The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 19, 1924, Page 12

Se eee Slogans and Policies in Election Campaign (Continued from page 1.) ination of the present state of mind of the American workers we find that, certain sections of them are reaching out after government ownership of ‘the industrfes in which they are em- ployed. This is ‘particularly true of the railroad and mine workers. With these workers government ownership of the industries has been an issue for quite some time, and is becoming more so every day. For this reason government ownership must be made also into one of our issues in the elec- tion campaign. ‘ It goes without saying, of course, that our manner of treatment of these is- ~ 3 sues, our slogan and election program will be something totally different from that of the chiefs of the railroad unions, or the C. P. P. A. or LaFol- lette. We shall speak of that pres- ently. For the moment we are in- terested mainly in this, to discover the shortest approach and best avail- able opening to the minds of the working masses for the introduction of Communist ideas. Considered from this angle; it must be admitted that unemployment and government own- ership presents excellent issues for our election campaign. Then the question of independent political action. This problem does not present itself in exactly this way to the millions of the industrial work- ers of America. The majority of them may not even be familiar with the phrase. However, this is beside the point. The thing that counts most from the point” of view of our cam- paign issues is the undeniable fact that large masses of workers lost con- fidence in the old capitalist parties. More than that. These workérs want a party of their own to serve their own interests. Of this fact our party had taken note more than two years ago. We have adopted the sfogan of the Unit- ed Front in the shape of.a Farmer- Labor Party. We have carried on an extensive campaign for such a party with the result that the political con- sciousness of the American workers has been considerably advanced. We failed, however, due primarily to the betrayal at Cleveland, in creating the & i. (Continued from page 7) The refusal of England to withdraw from Europe, the concentration of the world policy ef Great Britain upon the European Continent, was bound to be followed by an aggravation of Eng- lo-French relations. Hence, the new preparations of these two countries, hence the increase of the air forces of England, the creation of new air- ship bases, the -establishmeat of a new permanent arsenal in the north of Great Britain and the extension of the military depots in London, hence the demonstrations in the Mediter- ranean (the manoeuvres of a great English fleet from the Balearic Isles, over the route from France to her North African colonies); hence the approaching of England to Italy and Spain. Hence on the other hand, th new French preparations, the testing at the artiflery range in Le Havre of new long-range guns which can shoot nearly 100 kilometres (97km) and which are intended to be placed along the coast in order to bombard London and the English coast; further the construction of new strategic rail- ways by the French in Belgium, the fortification of the Belgian port of Zeebrugge, etc. If a war were to break out between England and Frange it would of course, be the signal for an armed collision thruout the whole European continent. The mobilization of the English and French forces will at «once be followed by the mobilization of the forces of Belgium, Poland, Rou- mania, Czecho-Slovakia, Yugoslavia, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Bulgaria, Tur- key, Austria, Hungary and countless ‘ millions of men will be called to arms. —* FRAT WTR IAN, Dm te Bilwons sD aa I ace bw mass Farmer-Labor Party. But this ismo reason why the idea of such a party should cease to be one of our issues. Quite the contrary. Just because everybody but our party surrendered to LaFollette and be- trayed the Farmer-Labor movement, it devolves upon us more .urgently than ever to stand by the idea of a Farmer-Labor Party and carry the fight further. 4 Why? Because the idea of such a party is at present in the United States the most concrete, the most understattdable expression of the principle of independent political ac- tion. Betause the campaign for inde- pendent political action contributes directly toward the awakening of the American working masses, thereby ‘promoting the class struggle. And in connection with this— the menace of LaFolletteism. We have got to fight this menace. It must there- fore, become one of our main issues in the election campaign. The ques- tion is, how can we best fight it? We will say LaFolletteism is a men- ace. Then the question will be asked: a menace to whom? We can reply to this question by saying that La Folletteism is a menace to the working class or, which is the same thing, to the political independence of the working class. Which is correct, of. course. But the trouble with this an- swer is that it is too abstract. It wouldn’t carry conviction to large masses of workers. While, on the other hand, if we can prove that LaFolletteism is a life- menace to the Farmer-Labor move- ment (which it is) we shall at once have proven a revolutionary truth to thousands upon thousands of Ameri- can workers and exploited farmers. And it wouldn’t be hard to prove either. The workers and exploited farmers in a number of states in the northwest (North Dakota, South Da- kota, Monfaha and Minnesota) can already see with their own eyes how the agents of LaFollette are begin- ning to break up the Farmer-Labor movement in those states. Thus it can be seen that also for the sake of most effectively combat- ing LaFolletteism, the idea of a Far- mer-Labor Party must be made into one of our central issues in the com- ing campaign. And then the issue of imperialism, militarism and war. ‘The danger of new imperialist wars is beginning to penetrate the consciousness of large masses of workers. The growing burden of naval and military expendi- tures in the United States. The com- plete hegemony of the big capitalists over the foreign policies of our gov- ernment as evidenced by its backing of the Dawes plan and every other imperialistic venture of our capital- ists in the Latin-American countries and in China. All this tends to awak- en the working masses to. the actual danger of a new war. This opportuni- ty must be utilized for carrying across our Communist message and for mob- Alizing large masses against capital- ism. The agricultural workers and the exploited farmers must be reached by our propaganda in this campaign as thoroly as possible. No set of slogans and no election platform will be .com- plete which doe’ not take into ac- count the state of mind and the de- sires of the oppressed masses of the farms. Slogans and Election Platform, The basis of our election platform and agitation is our program— the program of the Workers Party which stands for the seizure of power by the working class, the introduction of a proletarian dictatorship, the abol- ition of capitalism and the substitu- tion for it of a Communist society. We shall also have campaign slo- gans, or partial demands, these to serve as a means of approach to the minds of the large masses, as a start- ing point for carrying across our full Communist message, as a means of organization of these masses for im- mediate struggles against capitalism. By way of illustration, we might attempt to formulate some of these slogans. On Unemployment — Work or Bread!—We demand employment at public works or maintenance by the government at union-scale wages. We demand that the government seize closed-down factories and begin op- erations*for the benefit of the work- ers and under workers’ control. COMING WAR And if we agree with that which com- rade Lenin wrote concerning the na- tional wars resulting from the Ver- sailles treaty, we shall doubtless see that at this moment the millions of Germans of Germany and Austria will not stand by with folded arms and quietly wait the issue of the war be- tween England and France. Nor will the suppressed nationalities in Yugo- slavia, Poland, Roumania, Czecho- Slovakia remain indifferent, and the flames of national revolts, rebellions and wars can spring up in Galicia, Bessarabia, Transsylvania, Carpatho- Russia, Macedonia, etc. The Japanese-American Antagonism and the War in the Pacific Ocean. The spectre of an imperialist war is not only arising in €urope. The aggravation of the Japanese-American relations in consequence of the inter- diction of Japanese immigration into the United States, an interdiction which aroused greatest indignation among the broad masses, brings the question of Japanese-American rela- tions again to the forefront. In the period preceding the Conference of Washington, the relations between Japan and America were already so strained that a war between these two countries seemed to be inevitable. Since the conference many pacifists have declared that the danger of a Japanese-American war is now re- moved. Harsh reality has, however, soon dispersed these pacifist illusions. When the United States started the construction of the Panama canal, it became apparent that America—was attempting to realize the program formulated by Theodore Roosevelt in the following words: “The command of the Pacific Ocean belongs to the United States.” In this way the United States col- lide-with Japan, for whom China is the chief market, which not only absorbs the products of Japanese in- dustry but also represents the chief field of investment for Japanese sur- plus capital. If the assertion of several military specialists be right, that a duel be- tween America and Japan presents insurmountable technical difficulties which under certain circumstances, altho not preventing the outbreak of war, nevertheless will render impos- sible a definite issue in favor of either the-one or the other party, then the character of the problem of the Paci- fic Ocean is even more tragic. Be- cause it follows from this that Ameri- ca will not be alone in attacking Jap- an but will be in alliance with Aus- tralia, New Zealand and perhaps also with England, China, ete. If England in her preparations for war against Germany could obtain such allies as Russia and France, not to speak of such smaller states as Portugal, then America will be able to find the nec- essary assistance when the occasion arises, The war in the Pacific Ocean will also be accompanied, like any Europ- ean war, with big national upheavals in the shape of revolts, rebellions, perhaps even of great national revo- lutions in a whole series of Asiatic countries. The war will arouse the Masses supressed by Japan and Korea, in the Isle of Formosa, in Sa- chalin and will also not be without effect in the American Philippines, French Indo-China and British India, ete. Can the working class of Europe, On Government Ownership—Gov- ernment ownership of all concentrat- ed industries and national resources with workers’ control in the factories and management. The immediate setting up of factory committees in all concentrated industries to train the workers for the assumption of such control. No compensation to owners of nationalized industries. On Imperialism and War—Not a cent for the maintenance of the navy ‘and army. No interference by the U. S. government in the internal af- fairs of other countries. Down with the Dawes plan. ists casa of Sov- iet Russia. Menace of LaFolletteism — LaFol letteism seeks the destruction of the Farmer-Labor movement. LaFollette- ism means the subjection of the work- ng masses to the manufacturer, bank- er, merchant and rich farmer. La Follette stands for the small capital- ist and against the workers and ex- ploited farmers. On Farmer-Labor Party—To fight |. for a Farmer-Labor Party means to fight against LaFolletteism. The Workers Party is the only working class party that fights for a Farmer- Labor Party. We who want to sup- port the idea of a Farmer-Labor Party must support in this campaign the Workers Party. On a Workers’ and. Farmers’ Gov- ernment— None of our partial de- mands will mean anything unless the power of government is in the hands of the workers and poor farmers. The workers and poor farmers of the coun- try must take possession of the gov- ernment and run it in their own in- terests. The struggle for a Work- ers’ and Farmers’ government is a struggle for the abolition ¢ the pres- ent form of government which is a dictatorship of the capitalist class. s ¢ @ These are a few of the slogans deal- ing with the main issues of the elec- tion campaign. They have been form- ulated here for one purpose only. To show in a concrete way how this election campaign ought to be con- ducted in order to result in the great- est possible advantage to the prole- tarian class struggle and to the prin- ciples of International Communism. America, -and Japan at the present moment prevent the approaching war? To this question Comrade Len- in replies in the document already quoted as follows: “It must be definitely explained how great is the secrecy surrounding the birth of a war and how helpless is an ordinary labor orgahization in face of a really impending war. It must be explained over and over again in | a thoroly concrete manner, how the situation was during the last war and as to the reasons why the situa- tion could not be otherwise. Special attention must be called to the fact that the question of ‘defense of na- tive country’ will inevitably be put and that the overwhelming majority of the workers will inevitably solve this question in favor of their own bourgeoisie.” Wherein lies the only real means of fight against war? In the maintenance and extension of an illegal organization for the per- manent work against war of all re- volutionaries participating in the war. The Communists ¢annot prevent outbreak of a war, but they must strive to change this war into a civil tar, the world revolution. MAC’S BOOK STORE 27 JOHN R STREET DETROIT Fall line of Sociological and Labor Literature. Periodicals and Newspapers Phone Spaulding ASHER B. PORTNOY & CO. ori 7 and Decorators y SUPPLIES