The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 18, 1924, Page 6

“ Page Six THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: $6.00 per year $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 months By mail Chicago only): $8.00 per year $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 montas la SS Ce RY Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER M3 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, IIlInols Editors +Business Manager J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB... Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. S20 a —eE—E— ee Golden Rule Capitalism A distinguished financial writer took great pains the other day to give his numerous readers the Advertising rates on application. _ impression that the turning over of companies to workers is becoming increasingly popular. It would be foolhardy to blink the fact that re- cent years have seen various instances of employ- ers handing over stock to their workers or call- ing upon certain sections of their laboring forces to participate in the management and operation of the factories. Qccassionally, an employer, as in the latest case of Devoe & Raynolds turning over some control to sixteen employes, will hand over his property to the workers who have produced it. Now and then a-co-partnership scheme will be entered upon. Here-and there some form of “golden rule” busi- ness will be installed. But has the working class any cause to rejoice as a class because of these innovations? In the main, most stock selling, profit sharing and golden rule schemes are only clever devices employed by the bosses to obliterate the growing discontent, the rising class consciousness of the working forces. At bottom, the net effect of workers own- , ing a few blocks of stock here and there is only to undermine their spirit of independence, their in- itiative and self respect, their social freedom, and their readiness to revolt against intolerable condi- tions of employment. Furthermore, the fact that several thousand working men may in certain instances share in the profits created by themselves and the rest- of the working class, does not help by an iota the abolition of the capitalist system of exploitation, and the movement for the establishment of a gen- uine broad, all inclusive, co-operative system of production and exchange. Indeed, quite the con- trary is the result. The small insignificant gains that a petty frac tion of the working class may win now and then thru such golden rule schemes of capitalism are bought only at the expense of perpetuating the rule of gold, the tyranny of the capitalist exploit- ers, for the working Class as a whole. “Labor’s Political Demands” Heading the list in “Labor’s Political Demands” that were fomulated by Samuel Gompers and pre- sented to the republican and democratic conven- tions, was the demand sfor repeal of anti-trust legislation. The keynote of LaFollette’s program, adopted by the Conference for Progressive Political Action at Cleveland, was a call for the most drastic en- forcement of anti-trust legislation. “Labor’s political demands” seem to be rather mixed up by the various political doctors who are dosing the labor movement. But do not think that therefore harmony will not prevail. Accord is possible, between these opposites. Gompers is openly for the unrestricted rule of big business, and for collaboration’ of the un- ions therewith. The C. P. P. A.ites and LaFol- lette are howling for the rule of the middle-class, but in practice their proposals would work out to the same result as Gompers’. So why quarrel about it? Especially should Gompers be willing to adjust himself to Bill John- ston’s variation of the old program. Gompers’, the original, is tarnished and shop-worn and the masses are in revolt; Johnston’s, the new substi- tute, is the same old article with a new dress that will fool the workers for a while longer. And then, too, Gompers is an old man now, and God will soon be calling him. Why shouldn’t he get on the La- Follette band wagon? Leninism and the C. I. The Fifth Congress of the Comniudist Interna- tional is over. Its outstanding achievement was the definite establishment of Leninism, the theory and practice developed by Vladimir Ilyitch Lenin in applying. Marxism to the era of capitalist decay, as the ruling line of the international movement. The task the Congress has placed before the Com- munist parties of the world is the thoro Bolshe- ‘ection of these parties, and the rooting out of the remnants of sodial-democracy. It was the first time that the Communist Inter- national met without the guiding hand of Lenin at the helm. The loss was the more keenly felt, as the principal sections of the Comintern are facing terrific problems, that tax the utmost pow- ers of all the sections of the Comintern. But the manner in which,-the Fifth Congress met these problems, the drastic corrections given ‘to all traces of petty-bourgeois deviations from the dine of Lenin, should be sufficient warning to any whe entertained any hopes that Lenin’s passing would end the policies of the master revolutionist. The Plight of the Socialists “Our gubernatorial situation is a mess and needs clarifying” is the confession in bankruptcy just uttered by Victor Berger, the recent convert to LaFolletteism, in commenting on the political sit- uation in Wisconsin, The poor socialists! What they can hope for in the local and state situations after they have signed their own political death certificates on a national scale at Cleveland? What basis of pro- test have they against LaFollette when they have allowed him, against whom they have thundered for years, to swallow them whole? The Honorable Berger, now member of LaFol- lette’s board of strategy to prevent tlie workers and poor farmers from organizing along class lines politically and from voting for the only work- ing class ticket in the field, laments the contest of figure-slinging now raging between Hirst and Blaine in the gubernatorial primary contest. The Bergerites are up against it. Nationally, they are kneeling at the feet of LaFollette. Locally, they have their own organization to preserve. In the state, their socialist party past still weighs down upon them, and they just can’t see their way clear to supporting the LaFollette lackey Blaine, the present governor. Indeed, the situation is a mess. We welcome the rare and refreshing honesty shown be Berger on this ocension. But how does the lone congress- man propose to get out of the treacherous forass into which he has driven his par On the one hand, Berger make an attempt, half- hearted it is true, to arouse the ire of Blaine, The Wisconsin governor is denounced for not being a strong advocate of road-building. At the height of his anger Berger proclaims his new revolution- ary slogan, his new form of interest in the welfare of the dispossed masses by saying: “The farmers and workers want the building program paid for by the automobilists rather than by a tax on property.” Such proletarian doctrine should make even Hillquit blush with shame. Are we to con- clude that after its Cleveland baptismal into La- Folletteism the socialists are to become the cham- pions of no taxation on property—property jheld by the owning class? Or are we to assume again that Berger does not mean what he says? On the other hand—and here lies the real social- ist solution—Berger proposes that what was done to the socialist party at Cleveland be performed forthwith in Wisconsin. “Only the new Progres- sive realignment can accomplish this”—the clean- ing up of the mess, vows Berger. Apparently the Cleveland experience has convinced the socialists that suicide alone can end the plight in which they have found themselves since the masses deserted their organization. Welcoming the Yankees Seven years ago the country was flooded with appeals to the masses to shoulder their rifles and go “over there” to do our duty to Europe. Seven years ago the capitalist governmental bureaucrats of Europe were staging demonstrations of wel- come to the American troops ov erflowing, the con- tinents. The inter-Allied conference now being held in London is endeavoring to clear up some of the debris of the giant conflict of yesterday. The brains of international capitalism are in a des- perate effort to save their system of industry. Once more the Yankees are being welcomed by the ruling powers of Europe. It is true that the figureheads of the capitalist tragedy have changed somewhat in personnel. McDonald now wears the toga of Britain’s imperial royalty instead of Lloyd George. But the employing class domination of the scenes #emains essentially the same. No doubt, when the election struggles are over, we will akain be asked to do our duty to Europe. This time we will be asked to line up solidly for a campaign of huge investments to reconstruct Europe. The so-called moral sanction of the coun- try, actually the political indorsement, will be sought in support of the gigantic imperialist ven- ture of our ruling class, the plans of our exploit- ers to secure a stranglehold on Européan indus- tries. The appeal to-our sense of duty will be made as a sort of an insurance. Our big banking interests, now entangling America in the European imbroglio, now taking the United States officially to the front rows of the imperialist arena thru the backdoor of unoffi- cial observers at the London Conference, are in- terested in convincing the masses of the highly ethical purposes of their investments in order to be able to throw more easily these same masses into a war for guaranteeing dividends on these in- vestments, once they are endangered, The Labor Premier McDonald struck the key- note of the conference when he said that its busi- ness would be to supply adequate security for the investors in the Dawes loan for Germany. On the reconstruction of capitalist Germany hinges the reconstruction of capitalist Europe. And Amer- ican capitalists alone are today in a position to finance such reconstruction. Hence MecDonald’s speech was an address of welcome to American dollars, Looking beyond the whirlpools of the surface to the deep currents flowing beneath the sea of words at the London Conference, one sees countless dan- gers of a new world conflagration. In 1017 the American flag went to Europe, In 1924 the Amer- ican dollar is going to Europe. Tomorrow the American soldiers will again be rushed to Europe to save these dollars. What kind f a welcome will these Yankee troops get then? Yes, Amer- ‘ean imperialism is clearing the decks for aggres- sive action. \ THE DAILY WORKER ‘RUSSIA IN 1924 = = RSA ATI UREE us ea PERN AI RCE \ (Continued from Last Issue.) The Crisis Past. Those were the terrible days of 1921. But how different is the situation in 1924. A great improvement has taken place in the condition of the people, which means that the revolution is patently succeeding. But before going into details as to how and in what degree this improvement has taken place, let me deal awhile with a few general impressions and indications. Every place one turns one sees visible signs of the economic recovery. The people are manifestly stronger and healthier— it is safe to say that the men in the cities have gained at Jeast 20 pounds in weight since three years ago. They are now full of life and energy, whereas, in 1921, everybody being hungry, no one stirred unless he was compelled to. Every visitor remarks at once the striking improvement in the ap- pearance and ‘actions of the people. The great epidemics of typhus and cholera, whi¢h raged during the early years of the revolution, have been practically wiped out and the most vigorous sanitary measures have been taken to prevent their recurrence. The fuel crisis is over. Although wood and coal are still high-priced and hard to get, they are not the life and death issue they were three or four years ago. No longer does one find the stove chimneys sticking out of the windows of the apartment buildings and blacking up the whole front—the steam heating apparatus has long since been put into order again. One mbst striking improvement that I noticed was in the factory creches—houses for taking eare of the workers’ babies during work hours. In 1921 these institutions, how-: ever well meant, were really appalling for want of food and other essentials. But those that I visited recently were a real joy to look at. With at least the necessities of life to go on, they were filled with happy children. The people are much better clothed. Indeed, a Moscow crowd of today would not look out of place, so far as the quality of its clothes are con- cerned, in any city in eastern Europe. A remarkable develop- ment is the growing use of leather for clothing. One sees hundreds of men dressed-from head to foot in leather—cap, coat, pants, boots, and all. In Moscow, Leningrad, and other- big cities, the street cars, throughly cleaned, painted, and repaired, are running at more than pre-war schedule, whereas in 1921 they were forlorn looking objects, only an occasional one to be seen, and that always with its steps and handles broken away and otherwise in a general state of disrepair. The street lights are on in full again, whereas in 1921 there was not a street light in all Moscow. Likewise, the telephone service, what there is of it, is in good operation and repair. Indeed, one can get a number as quickly in Moscow as in New York, which perhaps, is after all not much of a compliment to Moscow. Everywhere buildings are being painted and re- paired and streets repaved. The streets are crowded with vehicles, so much so that traffic police have been installed, al- though their primitive methods will hardly be copied by the New York trafic squad. But far more encouraging than the signs of improved well- being, which are upon all sides, js the beter morale of the working masses, which is likewise | ced in evidence. In 1921 the revolution seemed practically a lost cause to all ex- cept the devoted minority of Communists. They, it was, who held the. mgsses together and literally made them fight on after they Were licked. But now the situation is profoundly changed. At present the opinion prevails everywhere that the revolution is a success. The only questions now are really matters of detail as to how the revolution shall be brought to its fullest fruition. There is still much suffering and hard- ship, but this is mild in comparison with the terrible con- | Friday, ue 18, By WILLIAM Z. FOSTER: ditions of former years. Likewise there is still much discon- tent among the masses of workers at their hard lot, but this discontent is no longer counter-revolutionary, or available for counter-revolutionary purposes, as it was, say, at the time of the Kronstadt revolt in 1921. There are still some’ strikes, but they are of a minor character, and the era of desperate peasant uprisings has ended. The solidity of the revolution was demonstrated during the recent crisis in the Russian Com- munist Party over the questions of democratizing the Party, ete. The-discussion shook all Russia. But it wound up con- structively with a newer and better unity in- the Party. Any- one who had attempted to use the profound agitation for counter-revolutionary aims would have had the surprise of his life. Recently an American correspondent paid a left- handed compliment to the prevailing spirit-of optimism by declaring that the way things were going the kulaks (rich peasants) would overthrow the government in about 10 years. Formerly such correspondents enthusiastically saw the col- lapse of the Soviet Government from month to month, but now they have had to shove it off for at least 10 years. But the Russian workers are not afraid of the kulak any more than of his city pal, the Nepman. They have a very sharp weather eye upon both and will take care of them in good season and in thorough fashion. The workers now know that their revolu- tion is a success, and this optimism gives them added power for the solution of the many tremendous problems still ahead. One of the first things that struck me upon entering Russia, after passing through depressed»and poverty-stricken Poland and Germany, was the happy and optimistic appearance of the people. The very air of Russia now is permeated with victory and hope. The Revolutionary* Workers.. In the factories the workers’ revolutionary spirit burns high. They are politically the best educated workers in the world. They are great internationalists, following eagerly the vents in all countries. They are especially interested in America, home of the highest technical industrial develop- ment and the great stronghold of capitalism. They look for- ward eagerly to the world revolution and they are doing their ~ share to bring it about. In spite of their own impoverished condition, they rally with funds and other aid to every mass . movement of workers in Europe making a real fight, and when the opportune time comes they will give more substantial aid witif the RedArmy. They. are the backbone of the Ruhr’ relief, and the International Red Aid.. Indeed, sometimes the unions have to forbid collectors for various revolutionary ‘causes from going to the factories to ask assistance, because the militant workers will always vote a day or two’s pay, although to do so means to work real hardship upon themselves. In other respects the workers are equally mijitant. An interest- ing illustration of this took Place while I was in Moscow. This was in the election of the committees that manage the various apartment and tenement houses.’ For some time past there had been a tendency to be lax in this matter, with the result that Nepmen and other unscrupulous, non revolution- ary etlements, got control of the housing committees in many buildings. They then proceeded to use their control unfairly, giving favored locations, lower rent rates, and other advan- tages to their friends. Besides, they neglected the house and allowed them to fall into disrepair. But in the election of these committees this Spring, the workers cleaned up on the non-revolutionary elements, driving them out of control every- where. It was a most interesting phase of the class struggle and it caused much comment throughout the places rise (To Be Continued Tomorrow) Equality for the Division of Spoils By JEANNETTE D. PEARL. The National Federated Farmer- Labor Party is pledged to a policy of Equal Rights for women. In carry- ing out this policy, it bécomes of ut- most importance that no support be given to the National Woman's Party in their campaign for THEIR “blani- et equality bill.” The bill sponsored by them is very reactionary and very detrimental to the working class. Recently in a two days’ hearing be- fore Congress at Washington, some twelve leading women's organizations opposed the bill’ The N. W. P. is the only woman’s organization sup- porting that bill. The proposed “blanket equality bill” garnished with phrases of freedom and equality, conceals a cloven hoof. And some rather wise .labor heads who are opposing this measure are nevertheless baffled by it, in that it does seem progressive. a A simple analysis of the proposed “blanket equality bill” discloses its dual character of being bothy progres- sive and reactionary at the same time. It is a progressive measure for middle class and professional women including some women of the higher skilled trades. It is a very reaction- ary measure for the broad masses of women of the working class. A “blanket equality Bill” would jeopardize past protective legislation and prevent new protective legisla- tion. In many industries capitalist society exploits women workers more intensely than it does male workers, and pays them less. It works them longer hours and “under worse condi- tions. In order to safeguard the la- bor crop—the futuye working genera- tion—it becomes necessary to legis- latg against wanton abuses working women are subjected to, Need Special Protection. Because of woman's comparative newness to industrial life, the appar- ent temporary character of her job and the excessive.drain of that job, the organizational power of working women has not kept in even pace with that of male workers. The try- ing conditions undet’ which women la- bor, their lack of organizational strength, make protectivé legislation for women necessary in the interest of the working class, Modern industrial conditions, the \ intense speeding up, work havoc on the health of women. There is a long train of horrible female industrial dis- eases. In the classified injurious trades, scientific investigators find that young girls working in these in- jurious trades begin. menstruating at an earlier age and are subject to greater disturbance. To women in the injurious trades, the menopause comes earlier and is accompanied with greater complications. Sterility, mis-carriage, still-birth and infant mortality have a/ higher percentage, while the vitality of these women is very much lowered and death comes to them sooner. Laws preventing women working in poison factories and underground mines become imperative in a sys- tem of society that forces its wo- men thru ‘the lash of hunger into such perilous occupations. Protective le- gislation is inherent in capitalist pro- duction. It serves as a brake which the capitalist government interposes when exploitation is carried too far for the welfare of production, That governmental intervention checks ravages on labor-life is secondary, Their prime consideration is the maintaining of a high productive le- vel. It is here where public spirited individuals concern themselves with “social uplift” to increase production without destroying too quickly the la- bor-life. \_ Well-to-do Feminists. The N. W. P. is composed of fem- inists who in the main haye very com- fortable berths and who are aspiring to further elevate their positions. In this, they find themselves blocked thru sex discrimination, Accordingly, they have built up a philosophy of SEX SOLIDARITY and this solidarity is enhanced thru sex antagonism to- ward “male rule,” Not accepting the class struggle, they stress a sex struggle and seek “emancipation” for middle class wo- men thru a* “blanket equality bill” which is to strike against. male dom- ination. plums in the civil service and other reputable places and these women want them, The simplest way to ac- complish that is thru the “blanket equality bill.” Both the Republican and Democratic parties have turned that bill down, The politicians in wor do not propose to evenly divide There are big jobs and big their spoil with new political aspir- fants. Here and there, tried women politicians are awarded with kooshy jobs for “services” rendered, but that is quite different from a wholesale distribution of. jobs among self-seek- ing women, Pretty Soft for Them. These modern Amazons are preach- ing Economic Emancipation for wo- men and fréedom from | household dYadgery, Economic Emancipation means good respectable job for themselves. Freedom from house- hold drudgery can be accomplished by hiring a maid. Feminists are openly boasting that maids. can be hired very cheaply and modern women* can if they wish by this means, themselves from the drudgery of the home. Recently at a public meet- ing Olga Petrova spoke on eman- cipation via cheap maids. I asked her, “How about the emancipation of the maids?” They'are women and in this country there are some two]. million of them. That the proposed “blanket equali- ty bill” would prove detrimental to tne broad masses of women does not concern these ultra-feminists. They conceal the odium of their position by trumpeting forth their battle cry of freedom. ; A Class Problem. These ladies of the N. W. P, con- tend that protective legislation is an insult to modern womanhooll. They do not understand that the insult is not to womanhood, but to the human vultures feeding on the life-blood of women workers. Protective legisla- 4fon is not a sex problem. It is a class problem, Male workers are forced to struggle for protection in the capitalist jungle. Unskilled wo- men workers are in an inferior eco- nomic position. Protective iegislation is‘one of tha means for strengthen- ing that positfon and is no more an insult to womanhood than proposed legislation against lynching is an in- sult to the Negro race. ‘The standard of living among work- ing women must not be lowered. It must be raised. They have as yet not the economic strength to even re- sist unbearable conditions. Protec- tive legislation is an aid, slight, bu an aid nevertheless, It {s a measure of some restraint upon narcany free} who otherwise would work their wo. men workers 24 hours a*day and cuf their miserable pay still lower. Raising the economic position of working women, lowers their timidity. Promotes contidence and co-operatiory in the class struggle. Any legisla. tion that tends to weaken the positiog of working women must be opposedil The “blanket equality bi’ woukg weaken the position of the unskilled working women, tho it wouke strengthen the position of the middlio class women. wut our concern i with working women and the inteje ests of working women are bound uj7 with the interests of working men. ,. The emancipation of women is ni thru sex solidarity against male rul Working women must be trained i,” the fight against class dominatior, They must be made class-conscio and drawn into the class struggle fe, the emancipation of the workin’? class. U. 8. Confise: Art. or- NEW YORK, July 17.—The Unite States authorities are holding the Ita is ian steamer “Duilio” on charges dhe smuggling in narcotics. The goversal . ment has confiscated the valuable ai17 treasures which were found om boi and arrested the captain, who is mo &t out on $5000 bond. | We'll Stay on the Job Till.the Fig? is Won. . JOEL SHOMAKER i) Parmectebor Siginew for Seve) of Washington. 1, QO, you peo a one and all, phd bs listen to our song, he Farmer-Labor music, $ 18 x Apt he, old world moves pe z ‘e will sing this ager ol Ang u From Seattle to’ the rising of ree stay on the job till the fi Mee Chort Bat hy, hy hy ) ere yen the Farmer-I we will ein this vi hor From Beaite, tal lotr chen well ur may on the job till the 2 Our men are strong and st All ready for seat ht, ‘omen ar By pattie for the cr We will sing this we 0 is 9 Seattle to the rt Aye: 0 — we'll stay on the job till the won, ot