The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 12, 1924, Page 4

re ‘THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: $3.50....6 months $2.00...8 months By mail (In Chicago only): $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 mont4s $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to “g THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, Mlinols .. Editors ... Business Manager J. LOUIS BNGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE i MORITZ J. LOEB. Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 38, 1879. <=> 290 Advertising rates on application. A Communist Ticket There can be no doubt that the betrayal at Cleve- land, where the official labor leaders delivered their followers over to LaFollette, was a first-class disaster for the labor movement. It set back the most promising development in American life, the birth of a broad farmer-labor party, expressing the next step in the struggle against capitalism, for a few years at least. This betrayal, carried thru over the bitterest opposition of the left wing led by the Communists in the Workers Party, ren- dered necessary the entry of a Communist ticket in this election to lead the fight against the trea- son of LaFolletteism as well as against the capi- talist system. What the workers lose in the sabotage of the labor party practiced by the ©. P. P. A., they can only regain by rallying to the Workers Party ticket, Foster for president and Gitlow for vice- president. It’s an ill wind that blows no good, and the betrayal at Cleveland can be turned against its authors, by bold and courageous action. By putting a Communist ticket in the field, the Workers Party offers to the working class an op- portunity to recover the lost ground and deliver a stinging blow to the capitalist system as well. In the 1924 election, it will be a greater achieve- ment, after the Cleveland betrayal, to gathera hundred thousand votes for a clear-cut Commun- ist ticket and program, than it would to gather five million for a farmer-labor ticket. The Com- munist vote will be a registration of the conscious and militant elements of the labor movement, a preliminary mobilization and checking of forces, in preparation for the greater struggle to come. Let every revolutionist prepare to be counted. Let every one enroll himself in the party of revolu- take part in the organization of the army of workers, carry the message to the working masses, and deliver a blow against capitalism and against the misleaders of labor, by rolling up a solid block of Communist votes in the coming elec- tion. Every revolutionist to his place! The Third R. I. L. U. Congress The Red International of Labor Unions is now in the middle of its third world congress. It is summarizing the results of eighteen months’ ex- perience since its last congress, in the 42 nations in which it has affiliations with 13,000,000 revolu- tionary unionists. It is an event of profound im- portance to the workers of all the world. The Communist International is, for brevity, called the “Comintern.” Likewise, the Red Inter- national of Labor Unions has its Russian name abbreviated to “Profintern”—and this is a word every worker already knows or must learn. For the Profintern is the engine of revolution among the trade unions of the world, bringing to the scattered forces of organized labor a Marxian direction and a fighting program, a program that holds in view the revolutionary goal while dealing realistically with everyday problems. The Profintern has met, since its provisional or- ganization in 1920, a host of enemies—capitalist, reformist and anarcho-syndicalist. But because it is not an artificial creation, because it arises from the vital needs of the workers, it has thrived on opposition. Its principles and tactics are the principles and tactics of Leninism, of Commun- ism. It was born, it lives and it continually in- creases its influence and power because it marches with history. It answers to historical necessity in this, the imperialist stage, the declining stage of capitalism. Obviously, the working class, if it used its power in full, would crush capitalism in a single day— with one blow. It is the ignorance and confusion among the masses, the reformist illusions of the social democrats, and the equally mistaken illu- sions of the anarcho-syndicalist utopians, which prevent the w@rking class from striking the blow that would free it from exploitation. Without the unions, the organized masses united and brought into conflict with capitalist forces, there can be no revolution. Hence, those who claim the proud name of revolutionist, must never forget the work which must be done in the unions. Those who call themselyes Communist, particularly, have no right to that name if they do not first understand the imperative necessity of activity in the unions, secondly if they do igs participate vigorously in that activity. The third congress of the prehedues is threshing out many vital questions. When its decisions are given they will be carried out by the Trade Union Educational League. The worker who is not in- terested, who regards this as something foreign, who does not participate and participate actively in industrial work, may be a member of any or- ganization or none, but he is not a Communist. > "AF, Mere oo Competition in Subservience After the republicans had nominated Strike- breaker Coolidge for president and ““Open Shop” Dawes for vice-president, thus making a strong bid for the support of all capitalist forces, the democrats tried to go them one better by nominat- ing for president a man who was, at the moment, on the payroll of Morgan. This competition in subservience to Wall Street was not at all sur- prising to anyone at all conscious of the forces that rule American politics, It has been more surprising to many, altho the Communists have predicted it all along, that the LaFollette movement is going the same road. The denunciation of the Communists, made by LaFol- lette last month, was couched in the same terms and might almost have been written by the same people who drew up Mr. Hughes report to the senate, or Mr. Burns’ newspaper stories. It was a pledge of protection for the private property of capitalism against the demands of the outraged masses. Now the LaFollette forces are considering an- other move in the same direction, surrendering further to the forces of reaction, in the question of the vice-presidential nominee who is to run with LaFollette. They are reported to be serious- ly considering George L. Berry, union bureaucrat and strike breaker, who unites in himself the ap- THE DAILY WORKER HEN ee July 12, 1924 The Workers in Fascist Italy By ANDRES NIN. ‘HE situation of the Italian work- ers is tragic. They are the daily victims of most abominable and in- famous acts of brutality as the ter- rible murder of the socialist deputy Matteotti bears witness. During the time since Fascism came to power, wages in industry have been cut down to the extent of 12 to 18 per cent. The Fascists make the ridiculous assertion that there has been no real reduction of wages as losses in wages in consequence of strikes have become very rare. The eight hour day is nowhere maintained. The Fascist law on the eight hour day which, as is. known, has been an object of admiration by the social patriot and president of the International Labor Office, M. Albert Thomas, provides for so many ex- ceptions that the latter have become the rule. The collective agreements which formerly in Italy have been strictly fulfilled, are now only a scrap of pa- per. The situation is still worse in the agrarian districts. The day workers proach to Gompers and Wall Street at the same time. If Berry is nominated to run with LaFol- lette, there will be three strike breaking tickets in the field, and capitalists will be put to it to judge which would serve their interests best. Honoring Hughes Ex-Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and now Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes, has been elected President of the American Bar Associa- tion. This is an office that has as much power as honor. attached to it. Though the Bar Association, con- sisting of the highest priced lawyers in the coun- try, is not a formally recognized integral part of the governmental machinery, it has been wielding inereasing influence on the trend of law-making in the country. The election of Hughes at this time is signi- ficant. The choice of our secretary of oil to head the leading body of legal lights would suggest to on the land work on the average of 12 to 14 hours for real starvation wag- es, which at the highest are 12 Lire and at the lowest 8 Lire. They are terrorized by the local Fascist troops. Despite the Fascist terror, the spir- it of the working masses is excellent. The discouragement which seized the workers after the capture of power by the Fascists, was only temporary. There are everywhere symptoms of the revival and the rising of the workers. The Italian workers’ move- ment will probably bring us many a surprise. As soon as the least pos- sibilities for action offer themselves, they will soon rally in masses to their trade union organizattons. Those who have been in touch with the Italian workers in the last few months have not the least doubt as to this. The Fascist trade unions are a mere bluff. According to the reports of the secretariat of the national council of Fascist trade unions, the number of their members amounts to one that he is the best authority on the law. And that he is, in view of the fact that the system of law today is expressive of the system of private property relationships under which the Pullest’| state powers are openly employed to aid the bosses in exploiting the workers. As a member of the supreme court, Mr. Hughes participated in hand- ing down some of the blackest decisions that this capitalist aristocracy of the robe has ever handed| down against the working men. | One of the cardinal yrinciples of employing class law is that ignorance of the law is no excuse be- fore the bar of justice. The reason for this pro- cedure is plain. The worker who is too busy in the shop, mill or mine, has no time to acquaint himself with the law. If the worker were thus per- mitted to plead ignorance of the law the whole capitalist judicial system would be resting on shaky ground. Once you undermine confidence in the judicial system on a broad scale, then you have undermined the efficacy of the institution as an agency of class power over the working men. This the employer dare not permit. But for the rich the situation is entirely differ- ent. Hughes offers an excellent example in point. During the exposure of the crookedness of the de- partment of justice it was shown that Hughes, who is supposed to be a teacher of law, was in attendance at one of the illegal showings of prize- fight films. Under the law he was expounding to the masses Hughes was liable to arrest and im- prisonment and fine. Nothing of the sort hap- pened. Hughes, as ex-chief of the supreme court, and as secretary of state, made a plea that he did not know he was violating the law. Ignorance of the law which sends the workers to jail was the haven of security for the man whom Be ghey oy law and life are one. © Be Still Solid as a Rock John ©. Kennedy, secretary of the Farmer-La- bor Party of Washington, writing in the Seattle Union Record, makes the following statement con- cerning the part played in the Farmer-Labor con- vention in St. Paul by the Communists : “Whatever else may be said of the Communists in this convention—and they were a very influen- tial element—nobody can deny that they worked consistently and earnestly at all times for the firm establishment of the Farmer-Labor Party. Indeed, about the only point upon which the Com- munists were unwilling to compromise was on the question of a clean-cut Farmer-Labor Party. Here they were solid as a rock.” It has been definitely established, and generally recognized, that the Communists are the only ele- ment that at all times and places is fighting for the Farmer-Labor party, for the break with the capitalist political machines, and for the united front of the workers in struggle against their ex- ploiters. The words of John C. Kennedy are but another recognition of this established fact. And the Communists, in spite of treason at Cleveland, will continue to fight for the establishment of the mass Farmer-Labor party. Whenever an event occurs which gives hope and comfort to the owners of this country, the gam- blers on Wall Street throw their hats in the air and stocks rise in harmony. The looters make merry and the gambling business takes on fresh energy. 1,400,000. But this number is grossly exaggerated. The Fascist trade un- ions have no real existence. The offi- cers are only appointed by the Fas- cisti from above, without the mem- bers having any say in the matter. The majority of the leading function- aries are intellectuals. At the head of the organizations are physicians, lawyers, engineers, students, follow- ers of every kind of profession—but no workers, The Fascist organiza- tions have no trade union life, no elections, no meetings. The recruit- ing to the trade unions is either car- ried out by means of terror, or thru an order on the part of the head of an undertaking, by which means the whole staff of the undertaking in question is automatically affiliated to the Fascist organization. In this case the trade union fees are detlucted from the wages of the workers by the employer. But even such member- ships are not of long duration. The great bulk of the membership of the Fascist organizations exists only on paper. We can claim that the Fascisti have by no means subjugated the in- dustrial proletariat. In such great proletarian centers as Milan and Tur- in, the Fascist trade unions in the chief branches of industry, as the me- tal industry, only comprise several hundreé adherents. Even on the land the overwhelming majority of the agricultural laborers are against the Fascisti and only await the moment when they will be able to join the class war trade unions. This state of mind is not only to be observed in such districts as Apulia, where the fighting spirit of the agrarian popu- lation was always very active and where even now, thousands of agri- cultural laborers are prepared to fol- low the C. G. T. (Federation of free trade unions), but also in those dis- tricts which are considered as Fascist, as the district of Bologna. The anti- | Fascisti mood is not always expressed in affiliations to the C. G. T. because this would be followed by repressions, but in other ways. When recently the agricultural workers of Barricella, Altodo and Ma- lalbergo~in the province of Bologna —were granted the right, freely to elect the committees of their “Fas- AUTO TOWN HAS MANY BRAYING PAID PREACHERS BUT WORKERS : IN FLINT WANT JOBS AND, BREAD FLINT, Mich, July 11.—One of the more intelligent citizens contributes the following “Prayer of Flint” and ite brief history: Our president who art in Washington; hollow be thy reputation. Give us this day our daily bread, and a few side dishes. May thy will be done In automobiles as it is in Teapot and Elk Hill. trespasses as thou did Andy Mellon, into mortgag: Forgive us our moonshine Daugherty, Denby, etc. Lead us not » contracts and grafters, but deliver us from the cycle system, for thine is the whole, works: the ___________ arm: and » police force, sub’ editorials Mating headlines forever. Amen. An Abridged History. ~ Nearly twenty years ago, when the auto industry was in its primary stage and Flint was a town of about 12,000 Population, an automobile factory was started here with a prominent citizen at the head. As company devlop- ments proceeded it was decided to make this the center of a great Wall Street company. Their greatest asset lay in the fact that, this being a back- ward agricultural esction, they could build a city after their own image. Building Trades Bosses. The only operating trade union here is the building trades, managed by autocrats, and it plays into the hands of the companies against the workers. The cycle system operates scien- tifically here. As soon as the town began to grow, real estate sharks be- gan to flourish. Erices doubled and trebled in inflated values. The work- er found himself reveling in unheard ‘6f; wealth and plunged into debt, which works as a twofold advantage to the schemers who own the banks and shops. When overproduction ar- rives, which is about every two or three years, the worker is stripped of his property and is forced into debt for incidentals before he is alowed to resume work again. When he returns from the daily exploitation by the boss he is pounced upon by the landlord, the baker, the doctor, the buteher and all manner of petty bourgeois. Subsidized Preachers. He finally resorts to agonizing prayer, Tho outlyingiistricts are in- fested with nomadic fanatics who threaten the terrorized worker with imprisonment and hefl, The business sections are manned by subsidized gaits who extol the blessings of There is no labor paper published SOVIET RUSSIAN AGENT IN CANADA DEALS WITH PASSPORTS FOR U. $. The official representative of the Soviet Union in Canada, thru whom all applications for entrance to Rus- sia from this country must be made, “Is M. Tazikoff, 212 Drummond St., Montreal, @uebec, Canada. No oth- er person in the United States or Canada has authority to act for the Soviet government of Russia. here. The three capitalist publishers offer no sanctuary for the wage slave. The employers advertise extensively in all large cities for more help to force down wages at the same time they are firing regular employes. The city is laid out about three times as large as will ever be utilized. Perhaps there will be an awakening and struggle some day. Japanese “Outcast” Student Arrested as . . Prince’s Assailant TOKIO, July 11—Kazuo Noda, a college student, was arrested here this afternoon charged with attempting to assassinate Prince Tokugawa as the latter was leaving the diet building. Noda was armed with revolver and dagger. He was overpowered and ar- rested before he had opportunity to harm the prince, Police said they found Noda was a supporter of the “Horizontal society,” an organization made up of so-called “social outcasts,” and that he charged Tokugawa with responsibility for op- pression of its members. UNCLE WIGGILY'S TRICKS Likewise Mrs. Bushytail, cist” organizations, they elected as leaders fighting revolutionary work- ers, who had been driven by force from their work place. Even in Bo- logno various trade union organizh- tions, among them that of the tram- way men, have disaffiliated from the Fascist organizations. We could state numerous cases, as the.one from Sa- vona, where the workers have severed from the Fascist organizations and have elected former revolutionary leaders to the executive committees. Another manifestation of the anti- Fascist spirit of the’ masses of the Italian workers is found in the elec- tions to the shop committees, where in 99 cases out of a hundred the lists of the C. G. T. polled an overwhelm- ing number of votes. The Fascists are only strong in y organizations of the railwaymen, the post and telegraph workers and the civil servants — organizations which are chiefly composed of petty bour- geois elements. We have to record that immediately after the Fascist coup d'etat, 44,000 railwaymen, consti- tuting the vanguard of the railway- men, were dismissed and replaced by outspoken Fascist elements. The “na- tional organizations” have succeeded in getting a certain number of intel- lectuals and unskilled workers as their followers. The Fascist federa- tions have only two papers at®their disposal. “Il Lavoro d'Italia” appears once a week and “La Stirpe” twice a month, There is no daily paper of the Fascist organizations. < AS WE SEE IT By T. J. O’FLAHERTY. The Hearst papers suddenly smell a rat around the campaign headquar- ters of McAdoo. But only after Mc- Adoo has left. Arthur Brisbane, di- vided his coluumnist efforts between praising McAdoo and John D. Rocke- feller while the convention was in ses- sion, But Governor Smith of New York, or Smooch as Hearst calls him, and the Ku Klux favorite have a pri- vate conference and Hearst is off Mc- Adoo from that moment. Now Hearst learns that McAdoo and Smith were in the plot to put Davis over. A good guess is that Smith never expected to secure the nomination, that his hat was in the ring to beat McAdoo, that the latter despite strong financial backing, was not the desired of Wall Street, that Wall Street, working thru certain leaders along them George Brennan of Illinois, jockeyed the con- vention until the ground was prepared for springing Davis. With this plan Smith fell in and. perhaps was with them from the start, but it is not safe to assume that McAdoo was sham- ming. He wanted the spoils and glory of office, but he was spoiled for the honor owing to his well-known fond- ness for the spoils. , Wall Street got Davis and took on Bryan as a pro- gressive fig leaf. But that only em- phasized the makedness of Wall Street, ” a se @ The Phillipine scouts, an organiza- tion of young Philipinos trained in the art of war for the protection of Amer- ican imperialist rule in their native land, went on strike. The navy yard workers also walked out. The situa- tion is developing a militant anti-capi- talist spirit. About one thousand of the scouts are said to be affected, and the military authorities discharged some of them fearing to use the firing squad owing to the exceedingly strong growth ‘of national feeling against American rule since the refusal of the United States government to grant the country independence. An attempt to raise the cry of “Bolshevist plot” was made but this fell flat. The Philipinos have more native common sense than the Babbits of America who rule them and they replied, “This is not the re- sult of any plots from Moscow. It is the result of the indignation of the ex- ploited Filipinos over the tyrannical rule of American imperialism.” Wood- row Wilson made a lot of noise about self-determination when he got the “democracy” of this country to go to the trenches for Belgium to free Abyssinia from the Jehah of Voodoo but the poor Filipinos were safe in the arms of his master Morgan. . . *. It is a good candidate who satisfies two opposition parties. Such a candi- date is John W. Davis. In fact he is more popular with the republicans than with the democrats. Morgan said if he is elected he will give him a four year’s leave of absence. But he will work harder for Morgan in Wash- ington than he ever worked on Broad street. One paper said Davis is in- tellectually and morally of the Wilson type. Well, that is not very encour- aging. The New York Times has words of praise for him and so has the New York World. McLean’s Washington Post thinks a lot of him, but not so much of the platform on which he ig running. But we venture to say that the platform is strong enough to sup- port a broken down jackass. If Coo- ldge lands the bacon, Davis may be Secertary of State and Bryan, curator of the Yellowstone Park Zoo, where the democratic donkey will be kept on exhibition as the last of his species, William Hard has a hard name and hard look but a soft head. Hither that or he has degenerated into a hard Mrs. Littletail was a trifle heavy, but— Uj shell reactionary. He sees in John W. Davis a “progressive.” Of course, that does not mean anything as most of those styled progressives are a bad lot. Most of those labelled progres- sives are in reality reactionaries. Hard noticed that in Davis’s speech to the convention after his nomination, he never once referred to the party plat- form as “sound” or “sane,” showing he was a progressive. That indicated intelligence more than progressive- ness. He appealed to liberals, who like to be appealed to. They get a kick out being noticed by the big reaction- aries. If John W. Davis is a progres- sive, then Calvin Coolidge is a phil- osophical anarchist, another name for spitoon opher, and LaFollette is a Communist. There is much food for mirth in the piffle manufactured by. hack journalists nowadays. * eae ey ‘Whatever else may be said of the Bryan brothers after they pass away, this much can be said that they both ran for the White House. BillJ. ran, but as a runner he was a first class turtle. Charles has been more suc- cessful tho he never entered in a big race until now. He specialized in fight- ing the three G's, Gas, Gravel / and Gasoline, while his brother tackled the three 'B’s, Booze, Boodle and Bawdy, houses. The House of Bryan lived on the House of Morgan by attacking it. It was a good meal ticket and the “Commoner” is now a millionaire and his brother Charley is a long way from the poor house. But both are political frauds. Capitalist politicians are gen- erally of a cheap type, but the fake progressive is the most nauseating. *. . * Samuel Gompers is so disappointed at the way he was treated by the re- publican and democratic conventions that he does not know what to do. It seems that the controlling interests in both parties gave him the cold shoulder. He did not make a serious effort to get a hearing at Cleveland, but the bosses gave him five minutes and then ignored him. At New York pe did not fare any better. He did not even get much publicity. In spite of his stunt of walking into the meet- ing place of the resolutions committee accompanied by a nurse, his name wa$ barely mentioned in the press. The platform was written as if Sam never existed and when Al Smith or McAdoo failed to get elected and Strikebreaker Berry only got a few hundred votes, Gompers felt real sick. He was able to support the red-baiter Mitchell Palmer in 1920 but Davis and Mor- gan—can he do it? But John L. Lewis, it is said will find an excuse to call on his organization to support Calvin Coolidge because of Davis's connection with the Coronado case, | The Poor Fish says: A good ticket A LAUGH FOR THE CHILDREN would be Bryan and Bryan. Charlie would dq the chores around the White House ile Bill would take care the wild animals in congress, had a few years’ training killing Dar- | winian monkeys; he should have no difficulty disposing of ‘the congres:| sional variation, when. it i Ye ayia