The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 10, 1924, Page 2

; ~to-put it into effect. a ‘ Page Two MEMBERS PACK HALL TO HEAR PARTY PROGRAM Meetings Coming to All "4. Workers Party membership meet- ing packed Imperial hall to the doors Tuesday night to hear William Z. Fos- ter, chairman of the party, and C. B, Ruthenberg, secretary, tell about the new program of work that has been laid out for the organization. More than 700 members crowded into the hall and listened until after 11 o'clock to the plans for work. The outline of the campaign included the} questions of the election campaign, membership drive, DAILY WORKE! subscription campaign, educational work, the Trade Union Educational League, unemployment and the shop | nuclei system of organization. Balanced Program. “The thing that the Central Exeou- tive Committee wishes to establish, above all, issthe conception of a bal- anced program, whereby the activi- ties of every branch and party com- mittee will give adequate and syste- matic attention to every major cam- paign of the party,” said Foster, in reviewing the whole program of ac- tion. “We are going to hold the C. E. C. responsible for carrying out its part; we are going to hold the district organizers responsible, and we are go- ing to hold the branches responsi- ble.” During this campaign every mem- ber of the Workers Party is given the i duty of getting one new subscriber to | the DAILY WORKER and one new ; member to the party. When these du- ties are performed the member will receive a special stamp ig his dues book, showing that he has performed one of the most vital tasks the party has put upon him. Any member with- out the two stamps showing a new member brought into the party and @ new subscriber for the DAILY WORKER will not have a good, clear record. The following resolution was pro- posed from the floor: “Resalved, that this party member- ship meeting, after having heard the program of action in relation to our immediate tasks, unanimously adopt- ed by the C. BH. C., does hereby go on record for its wholehearted ap- proval. We not only approve in the sense of accepting the party policy, but we also pledge each and every one of us here to work unceasingly Our slogan will be “One united party with every mem- ber on the job!” This resolution was adopted unani- mously, by a rising vote, amid en- thusiasm. Meetings in Other Cities. Comrades Foster and Ruthenberg are scheduled to address membership meetings on the same subject in all the large cities of the country during the next two weeks’ time. The meet- ings arranged and the dates are the following: Minneapolis, Friday, July 11—Rich- mond hall, 226 So. 5th St. So. at 8 p.m. Detroit, Thursday, July 17—House of the Masses, 2101 Gratiot Ave. 8 Bm, Buffalo, Friday, July 18—Engineers’ hall, 36 W. Huron St., 8 p, m. t Boston, Saturday, July 19. New Haven, Conn., Tuesday, July 22, New York City, Wednesday, July 23 —Stuyvesant Casino, 142 2d Ave. Philadelphia, Thursday, July 24, Pittsburgh, Friday, July 25. Cleveland, Saturday, July 26, Spy Expose by Labor Defense ) Gets Seattle Aid SBATTLE, July 9—The Seattle Central Labor council, has instructed We labor strategy committee to do its ‘hart in assisting with information for Proposed pamphlet on labor spies to published by the Labor Defense council of Chicago, TO-N The Workers at 8 P. M. 1924 Election Campaign Mass Meeting of All Members and Sym- pathizers and Every Worker Who is Interested in Working Class Political Action, DAWES WAR PLAN (Special to The MOSCOW, July 9, The manifesto continu economic polley of Germany as herself to be beaten, of the Dawes Committee embody Europe’s troubles. The Entente a revolver at Germany’s head. | ing out of the recet decision on | Phovement to safeguard humanity. ‘INOVIEV TELLS HOW COMINTERN WAS EVOLVED {Mass Party Arose from Propaganda Movement (Continued on Page 2.) their disgust with Sogial-Democracy, seemed to us to be organized Com- munist strength. Since that time the Communist parties in a large num- ber of countries have become mass parties. At the First Congress there was no’ battle to direct. The Second Congress built up the theoretical and programmatical foundations of the Comintern. Lenin's Thesis. The instructions of the Communist Party of Germany give as fundamen- tal points in the program, Lenin’s thesis the dictatorship of the prole- tariat, Lenin’s thesis on the agrarian and national questions, the 21 points, thesis concerning the role of the parties, thesis concerning the build- ing up of the workers’ organizations. With all, the speaker is in accord. There was no quarrel about the sig- nificance of these questions. The dis- approvements over the course to be taken arose only on questions of fac- ties. The Comintern is composed of two main parts. The first element came from the Seco#tl International; , the second is made up of the new genera- tion which grew up during the war. Each element has both its strong and its weak points, Relics of the Past. The presence of the remajns of So- cial-Democracy is also to be felt in the Comintern; but there is also a so-called ultra-left wing. There is nothing more radical than revolution- ary Marxism. Bolshevism led the fight primarily against the right wing; but it also fought ultra-radical branch: es. The ultraradicals appeared on the scene as early as the Second Con- gress, where they fought participa- tion in Parliaments and in trade un- ions and preached the doctrine of se- paration from the unions. Left Sickness. Syndicalist elements disavowed the mission of the party and fought against the entrance of the. Commun- ist Party of England into ‘the Labor Party. At the Third Congress ap- peared, in connection with the March uprising, the theory of the offensive as a left-wing tactic. We had to ex- pel Levy and to do away with op- portunism in Italy at the same time that we expelled the left-wingers, Bordigas and Terracinis. The Fourth Congress formulated the policy of the United Front, understood the solu- tion of the workers’ rule, and fought the right-wing peril. We can best pit ourselves against the mistakes of the ultra-radicals when we have wiped out the mistakes and the errors of the right wing. We follow Lenin’s path in so far as we IGHT Party and the Wicker Park Hall 2040 W. North Avenue FIFTH CONGRESS OF COMMUNISTS —The report of perts” on German reparations has been denounced as “only a hidden form of war’ by a manifesto from the Fifth Congress of the Com- munist International addressed to “the proletariat of the world.” The occasion of the manifesto is the approaching tenth anniversary of the outbreak of the World War, for which the Communist International blames the ruling classes of all the countries which participated, “The United States, whose pockets are crammed with Euro- pean gold and supported by the French military forces, directs the Only imposters could say that the decision | “The antagonism between Japan and the United States, grow- the problem the color of a racial stauggle.” | Workers and peasants of all countries are called upon by the Fifth Congress to unite to prevent war and to join the revolutionary labor THE DAILY WORKER DENOUNCED BY Dally Worker) he Dawes Committee of “ex- @ penalty for Germany allowing a peaceful democratic solution of dictates its decisions by holding the Immigration question, gives lead the assault on the right wing tendencies and at the same time fight against the infantile sickness of Left- ism. Pictures Comintern as Battleship. The battleship of the Comintern thust steer clear of the explosive mines of left and right wing tenden- cies. Since the, Fourth Congress, the Executive Committee has been wag- ing the fight chiefly against the right wing. Frossard performed a great service to the Communist party of France, inasmuch as he took with him every element in the party that was bad and unhealthy. In Norway, there‘has split off the half-syndical- ist, self-opportunist Tranmeal group, in which Lian, the most banal of so- elal traitors, played first violin. Errors of Policy. In Italy, in the Socialist. party, Nenni and the Vellag groyp have been fighting the supporters of the Third International. In Sweden, right wing mistakes have been no- ticeable, and it is not yet clear, how far these mistakes have been recti- fied. The Bulgarian Party has al- ready corrected serious errors. It is said that the Executive Committee has entirely done away with right wing leadership in the Communist Party of Germany. The Executive council has not this advantage, for it supported right wing leadership for much too long. And in the Com- munist Party of Russia, too, there have cropped up _ petty-bourgeois groups, on whose appearance the So- cial-Democrats founded high hopes. These hopes will never be fulfilled, but i is a good warning to Radek that the Vorwaerts is praising him. In the Communist Party of France, dangerous illusions were built up in connection with the rise of the Mac- Donald government. It is to be hoped that Rosmer and Monatte will per- ceive their mistakes. Souvarine be- came hopelessly muddled. The Party in England ‘permitted grave errors in the use of the United Front tactics, And as the traitors of the Communist Party of Germany cor- rectly said, there were errors of ultra- radicalism in the Comintern, too. In the German Communist Party there ‘was present a strong tendency to get out of the trade unions. The Bxe- cutive committee fought ultra-left radical philosophy. Right Wing Dangers. In nine cases out of ten the fight of the Executive Committee has had influence with the right wing, and this must come about in the Congress as well. The dangers of right wing tendencies are greater than was sup- posed, Between two revolutionary uprisings, dangers of right wing tendencies always crop up. The Com- igtern does not condition its fight on philosophic radicalism, but it wages war chiefly on the right wing di gers of petty-bourgeois opportunism: Graziadei is bringing up the half-for- gotten Social-Democratic theory once more. Lakacs wishes to revise the- oretical Marxism. Korsch, too, is re- vising Marxism, All three are Pro- fessors. Boris, who denies the facts of colpnial exploitation is no Com- munist and no Marxist. The prafes- sors should study Leninism first. Situation Revolutionary. Going back over this analysis of the situation, the speaker wishes to emphasize, that events are coming to pass more slowly than was ex- pected. The gituation is neverthe- less a revolutionary one. The account- ing shows a balance in favor of the Comintern, since dozens of monarchs have been overtlgown, one sixth of the surface of the globe has been con- quered, Asia has been influenced in favor of the revolutiqn, capitalism has shaken and partly destroyed, the Communist parties have grown. Farmers’ crisis exist in America and in the greater part of the world. It Hilferding points out this situa- and so forth. The Fifth Congress pre- Cicts the end of this era and prophecies an era of reaction and of fascism, — tion as a sign of normalcy, such nor- maley ery much to be id for us, The class war grows sharper; the levelling of the working class which will bring it new life, is pro- ceeding more rapidly; a crisis is at hand, Socialist Pacifist Era As concerns the situation in world- politics, the speaker wishes to explain matters as follows: The Fourth World Congress foretold what has actually happened during the democratic-paci- fist era in England, France, Denmark we The experts’ report will be fought by the Communist parties. The French left wing bourgeoisie urged the con- tinued occupation of the Ruhr, and thereby the French Socialists showed themselves as the left wing of the bourgeoisie. The Labor party will be a factor in English politics for many years to come. The longer the Labor party rules, the more quickly will illu- sions be shattered. Illusions can penetrate Communist parties too, and we must struggle against this. Fascist and Socialist Aliles A new factor in the situation is that Social-democracy as a third bourgeois party, is splitting its power. This shows that the problem of power has gone a step further. Social-democracy and Fascism are allies. As far as taking over the majority of the work- ing class is concerned, anti-Leninistic views sprang up inthe Czech parties. It is not a question of a united major- ity, but rather of a majority of the class-conscious proletarian stratum. When the good Czech Communist, Hulla, longs for a unified majority, there are probably many other reform- Ast elements present in the Czech party. Numerically, we are almost as strong as the Second International, and for this reason the same dangers confront us. Whoever desires a unified major- ity is in confliet with the Comintern. At the present time, our main tasks are these: first, to build up the Com- munist parties industrially, bit by bit; second, to formulate a correct trade- union policy; third, to use proper tactics in national questions; fourth, to use sound methods in agrarian problems. Grave mistakes on the agrarian question wgre committed by the Polish and Balkan parties, Hesitating Leaders. The question of the trade unions presents new problems. In Bngland, the effort to liberate the working class by reform is already in full owing. The Vienna Congress of the Amster- dam Trade Union International must not be under-estimated, and neither should it be overestimated. The leaders hesitate, but the masses press forward. At present English trade union leaders are taking their stand with the left wing, which shows that objective pre- liminary conditions for the building up of the party have been fulfilled. The English workers will soon find their illusions shattered, and will build up a strong Communist party. In con- trast to the factional tendencies of French and German Social-democracy, we desire the true unity of the labor movement. We will formulate these questions, United Front At the elections in the Carpathian sections, certain comrades, such as Tausik and Gati, have done brilliant work, and yet the party as a whole has not yet quite grasped the agrarian problem. The United Front policy is to be applied, not as a general tactical move, but in conerete instances. The poliey of the United Front arises from our knowledge that we are not in a majority, that Social-democracy is still strong, and that we find ourselves placed in the defensive. We look on it as a revolutionary policy during the period of the slow development of the class struggle. Many comrades, how- ever, turned it into an evolutionary policy. It is the chief failing of young Parties that they wish to extend every bit of strategy in a pseudo-marxian manner. A good many Comrades do not seem to understand, that the United Front policy is only a method of the rousing and mobilizing the working class. We, too, made mistakes, and were entirely too lenient. When my formula: “The United Front, a pseudonym for the Dictatorship of the Proletariat”—was assailed, I believed that the attacks arose out of an error of policy, Only later did I note the obvious opportu- nistic interpretation, r South Dakota Man Reports St. Paul Meet to Farmers (Special to the DAILY WORKER CENTERVILLE, 8. D., July 9.—Au- gust Peterson, who attended the na- tional Farmer-Labor Party convention in St. Paul, Minn., on June 17, wrote up an interesting account of his ex- periences in the Parker Journal, one of the newspapers of south-eastern South Dakota, Peterson tells of his trip with John A. Dahlin, who drove his machine, Joel Dahlberg, Ole Swe- dine and Frank B. Hult,’to the con- vention and of the historic events of that meeting. Peterson relates how an 85 year old farmer of Ohio had said that he had at last found the farmer and la bor convention for which he had been looking thru 40 years. He tells also of the young Danish chap from Chi- cago who was getting material for a radical Danish paper. The reporter tells how wildly hys- terical the capitalist press went in giving accounts. of the supposedly “red” convention and really ignored the big movement that was being made into an organization. NEW YORK! TAKE NOTICE! NEW YORK, July 9.—The eral membership meeting sched- uled for July 11 has been post- poned to July 23, Be sure to keep this corrected date in mind and be on hand to hear William Z. Foster and C. E. Ruthenberg ex- plain the program of action for the party in this most interest- ing of times, so. oem tO SH Thursday, July 10, 1924 ————————EEE K. K. K. Among Socialists (Continued from page 1.) meeting of thousands of the Klan. By accident some fellow sent me an invitation, and I was in. the mass meeting and I heard what was said.” ‘The Klan speakers told the gathering that no Jews were ever known to do hard work and “the Jews are main- taining Wall Street in New York. The Klan wanted foreigners “sent back where they came from,” said Danis, and any miner who joined the Klan “should be expelled from the United Mine Workers for 99 years,” William Karlin of New York de- clared, “We should not be afraid to mention the Klan as the enemy of so- elety and of the working class and of humanity.” Toole Joine Goebel. In greatest agitation, Delegate William A. Toole of Maryland, who had been clamoring for the floor, rushed to the platform to beg the con- vention not to “make the mistake of mentioning the Klan by name.” “You have just as much right,” he said, “to introduce a resolution con- demning the Order of Hibernians as you have to introduce one condemn- ing the Ku Klux Klan. Both the Hi- bernians and the Knights of Colum- bus are a lot of workingmen who are destined to become socialists, and just so the Ku Klux Klan is a lot of work- ingmen who gre destined to become socialists.” Pleading that he ought to be listened to because he had a “Catholic name,” Toole said: “If you pass this resolution con- demning the Klan, then you had bet- ter leave these people of the railroad unions that you have just made an agreement with, because a lot of the railroad men are in the Ku Klux Klan. . ++. You can’t see who are your friends, Let us keep out of the fight.” Charles Solomon of New York, James Oneal and Alfred Baker Lewis, “the millionaire’s son” from Philadel- phia, supported the anti-Klan resolu- tion, as did Walter Thomas Mills, who compared the present role of the Klan in demoralizing the labor unions to the role of the old “A. P. A.,” which, he said, many years ago was jmported into the populist movement to break it up. ' With the convention in wild confu- sion, August Claessens was selected as the last spokesman for the anti- Klan resolution. In a second speech he pointed out that he Klan organ- izers working on a cash reward for every new member they got for the Klan, had conducted a kind of propa- ganda that “brought about a condi- tion which confuses our organization.” “Down in Ohio,” said Claessens, “they have been going among the socialists in out-of-the-way places and saying that the Ku Klux Klan stands for the same principles as the socialist party. Party speakers in that section of the country are often met with the ques- tion, ‘Mr. Speaker, isn’t the Ku Klux Klan fighting for the same thing that you are fighting for?’ Not only that, but members of our own organization are asking that question. Organizers of the Klan, when they meet social- ists, say just that—that the principles of the two organizations are the same, They ask, ‘Did you ever hear of a Jew being a socialist?’ Many people right now are convinced that Morris Hillquit is a Swede. The people in those small towns never saw a Jew that wasn’t a junk dealer or some- thing Ike that, and when the Klan organizers ask them, ‘Did you ever hear of a Jew that worked for a liv- ing?’ it appeals to them. The Klan is getting out all sorts of literature of that kind for socialists. I did not know that such a resolution was com- ing up or I could have brought along some of the literature of that kind that they publish for an appeal to so- cialists. I am sure that Comrade Goebel has read some of that litera- ture. “The Ku Klux Klan position in re- gard to the Negro is not only con- temptible; it is criminal.” In answer to Goebel’s claim that the question was a religious issue, Claesséns de- clared it a political issue and told of the Klan parades just before election day with a White man with his face blackened and a noose around his neck, carrying a sign inscribed “Ne- groes, Beware!” Henry Talks for Indiana. The rules were suspended to ope§ the debate ‘again, and William H. Henry of Indianapolis declared the resolution would not suffice because it was not explanatory and would not convince workers already under Klan influence. “I happen to live in a state where the Klan has a majority,” he said. “In Indiana the labor movement is torn to pieces by quarrels over the Klan. Where I live the labor movement is a skeleton because of it. I have seen thousands of miners parading the streets for the Klan.” Telling of com- plete control of the state government and community life, Henry quoted In- ternational Secretary Green of the United Mine Workers as indicating his inability to do anything about the issue among the miners, for “they have fone crasy over the Klan,” Henry said that with the few words of the resolution nothing could be ac- complished among the miners, and he wanted the thing elaborated so as to have an educational effect, tho he was willing to condemn the Klan by name. Goebel, enraged into noisy side ar- guments that gave the proceedings the appearance of two or three little conventions/ all going at once, took the platform for his closing word and demanded: “If Claessens thought the Klan question was not coming up at this convention, he said he thought, what right has he to say now that we are cowardly if we don’t condemn the Klan by name?” Reiterating that “people that I was brought up with” belonged to the Klan and were good people, he said that in his twenty years in the socialist party he had al- waysystood by his principles, and that if at any time he didn’t believe in the principles of the party he would quit it, Oneal as Peacemaker. Oneal tried to calm the ruffled feel- ings by suggesting that the resolution be redrafted, but was unheeded, and the vote was taken. The anti-Klan resolution, in the sub- stitute form submitted by Lee, was passed by a vote of 56 to 15. Goebel’s amendment, vaguely condemning cer- tain activities but not naming the Klan, was lost by 19 to 53. Everybody thought the row was over. Morris Hillquit, who had been hastily sent for at the beginning of the uproar, now took the platform on a motion to publish an educational leaflet on the Klan, expecting to quiet the nerves and put a pleasant taste on the end of the convention. But no sooner had he begun to show that the proposed leaflet must condemn the Klan than Goebel and Toole were on their feet again, shouting interryp- tions and points of order. Only after Goebel had lost an appeal to the floor against the chair's ruling on his point of order, was Hillquit allowed to pro- ceed. Hillquit said the events of the long afternoon had shown the need of an educational leaflet on the Klan question, for its influence “not only upon the public at large, but upon some of the party members—even upon my good and sweet comrade, Comrade Goebel.” Hillquit con- demned the pseudo-socialism preached by some of the Klan organizers as “socialism of the devil.” The motion for the leaflet was passed, and this memorable conven- tion of the American socialist party is at an end. In my last dispatch I compared it to the aftermath of a rump republican convention. I apolo- gize, and accept instead Valenti’s comparison to the democratic conven-, tion in Madison Square Garden, NOMINATE MORGAN'S MAN DAVIS (Continued from preceding page.) class. The remnant of McAdoo fol- lowing which hung on to the tails of other dark horses gave up their last hope of a comeback for their favorite. Voices of grief were heard bewail- ing the worst shame that had ever come over the party. They cried out that the democrats had knifed the last hope of the friends of little business and that the nomination of Morgan’s man on a platform which hints at the enforcement of anti-trust laws was the grossest mockery in 20 years, since the party indorsed Alton B. Parker, a corporation lawyer, on an- other anti-monopoly platform. Whip Cracked. Delegates were driven into line. Those who wanted to fight the Davis nomination saw their hotel bills un- paid by the political bosses who act as the good angels for the delegates who waste their substance in riotous living. Others knew that their hopes for petty preferment in the party councils were dashed if they opposed the ukase of their fhanagers. See Democratic Split. The Davis nomination means the breaking down of the democratic par- ty, in the opinion of the “progres- sives,” who are denouncing it. They declare that the anti-Wall Street ele- ments will flock to a third candidate movement and see an alliance be- tween the younger “progressive” element, with the unchoate middle class forces that are criss-crossing around the Wisconsin independent re- publican. Worthy of Coolidge. Davis’ nomination is hailed with de- light in the extras of conservative New York newspapers. They rejoice that the party is freed from the last vestige of western radicalism. Davis is acclaimed as a foeman worthy of Calvin Coolidge. In 1920 the New York Times advocated Davis as a can- didate prior to the selection of James Cox, Opposition papers, on the other hand, are asserting that large num- bers of the democratic voters will flock to LaFollette who offers them what Bryan used to offer them in the past. Coal Gunman Backs Him. One of the most ardent Davis root- ers on the convention floor was Sheriff Don Chafin of Logan county, West Virginia, thd state that Davis nominally represents politically while he practices law in New York city. Chafin was with Davis from the start, leaving him for a few ballots for a make-believe sprint with McAdoo, but returning quickly to the choice of the coal operators of his stat The cor- poration chafacter of Davis’ backing is shown by the support of these coal oeprators, the chief of whom are sub- sidiary to the Pennsylvania railroad, the United States Steel corporation and Standard Oil. Was Coronado Lawyer. Davis was the champion of coal plu- tocracy in the famous Cofonado suit which threatened the greatest finan- cial loss a union ever sustained. He represented the Bache-Denham com- pany in this case, suing for losses the company sugtained in a 1914 strike in Arkansas in which workers did not go out of their way to protect company property. He has served the coal operators in other cases. Pet of Big Business. No democratic candidate, by his connections, has ever been closer to the plutocracy. As Morgan’s lawyer and the political servant of U. 8. Steel and the big coal owning railroads in West Virginia, which he has repre- sented in congress, he is perfectly sat- isfactory to Big Business. He fs their man, as is Calvin Coolidge. The convention adjourned until 8:30 p. m., when the candidate for vice president is to be chosen, Soviet Oil Workers Push Production Up , Beyond Output Plan MOSCOW, July 9. — The “Azneft* (Azerbeldjan Oil Trust) reports that over 6,845,000 poods of various oil products were exported from the Baku oil fields by rail during the first half (October-March) of the working year, while 14,316,000 poods were pumped to Batum by the oil pipes. The pro, duction plan for this period was 123,- 297,000 poods, but the actual output slightly exceeded it and ran up to over 124,015,000 poods. As for the drilling plan, it was carried out 96 per cent. The “Azneft” is directing its efforts to the electrification of the per cent of the correspond- ing program having been fulfiued by now. Cleveland, Attention! Are you superstitious? Then com ers League at Russick’s farm and you will surely have a good time, Dancing, Games, Refreshments. Directions; Take W, 26th thru car to end of line, change to State Road car, get off at Rus- sick's farm. i Admission 35c. DOOR BARRED TO 1920 STRIKERS BY ENGINEERS Political Fund Will Go for LaFollette (Special to the DAILY WORKER) CLEVELAND, July 9, — Engineers who refused to scab during the 1920 “outlaw” railroad strike were turned down cold by the triennial convention of the Brotherhood of Locomotive En- gineers which has now concluded its long sessions. The “outlaw” strikers will not be reinstated into the Brother- hood. The action is in contrast to that taken by the locomotive firemen who have encow expelled strikers to apply for read: ion. Fund For La Follette { The convention authorized a special political fund for the use of a national executive committee of three. It is understood that much of this fund will be used in behalf of the La Follette candidacy which they are supporting. The Conference for Political Action is. further encouraged by the granting of permission to the state legislative boards of the brotherhood to affiliate with it. Public ownership of water- power was supported but there was a lack of enthusiasm for public owner- ship of railroads, An Insurance Society Insurance activities took up much attention of delegates. A 25 cent assess- ment on all members was ordered for widows and orphans of those Brother- hood members who had not taken out policies. Members over 65 in engine service and over 70 in other service ere exempted from pension dues. Double pension benefits can be paid tor members under 50. The general pension fund is now $2.500,000. Grand Chief Engineer, Warren Stone, is put in charge of the Brother- hpd’s business and financial interasts. L. G. Griffin, was made grand chief engineer, in charge of labor activities, Mob Leaders Released. HOUSTON, Texas, July 8—The eight men charged as leaders of the mob which stormed the Miller county jail two years ago and lynched Hulen Twens, a Negro, were set free on mo- tion of the prosecution at Texarkana because of inability to secure sufficient evidence to make a case, Professor J, Hogg, a prominent Ne- , gro of Crockett, was kidnaped by a_ band of men, severely beaten with an acid-soaked leather strap and left on“ the outskirts of the town, Send in that Subscription Today.