The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 9, 1924, Page 2

_ Don't miss it. Page Two —e LAFOLLETTE ILLUSIONS SLIP FROMFARMERS | (Continued from page 1.) | without a them. And along comes somebody and | takes away the flivver and the listen- ing machine.” Can't Pay Taxes. “It’s hard for folks elsewhere to realize the terrible poverty of the Da- Kota farmers,” went on Knutson. “Last year their net earnings weren't enough to pay off their back taxes, in North Dakota. These back taxes amount to some sixty million dollars. Nor could they pay the back interest on their mortgages, about one hun- dred million dollars. South Dakota is as bad. There the total indebted- ness, public and private is $1,245,000,- 000. “Honesty” Can’t Save Them. “The wheat farmers simply cannot exist any longer on this basis. Condi- tions are forcing them to look for a radical solution. LaFollette doesn’t even attempt to offer them such a so- lution. ‘Honest’ capitalist government can’t save them from ruin.” “What about the co-operative mar- keting talk of the LaFollette progres- sives,” Knutson was asked. Knutson replied that the, LaFollette people were not specific enough to satisfy the farmers, in the first place. In the second place more and more farmers were seeing that the schemes were not workable under the present system. Norris Plan Won't Work. “I put the Norris-Sinclair bill right up to its author, Sinclair,” said Knut- son, driving home his point, “I asked him if his bill would actually work under the present system of society. He admitted it would not. “So there you are. “This does not mean that LaFol- Jette will not pool a large vote in the Dakotas. It will be a protest vote. But he is ceasing to be a lead- er of the wheat farmers. They de- mand a radical solution and the leader who doesn't offer such a solution will gO. |It is not to be ignored nor lightly laid By c. E. RUTHENBERG. HE convention of the Conference for Progressive Political Action, |held in, Cleveland last week, makes il event of great political significance in the political life of the United States. aside. The movement which had its smile, “but they don’t own | first crystallization there is destined | to play a considerable part in the life} of this country in the future. { No one should have any illusions| about this convention being a labor convention, nor was it a convention of farmers, Labor was strongly rep-| resented there. The railroad unions were represented in full force, and be- sides some 17 other international la-| bor organizations had delegates. The farmers were conspicuous by their ab- sence from the convention. Not a sin- gle farm organization of any impor- tance sent delegates to the conven- tion. It is an anomalous situation that a convention of which labor unions were the basic foundation should in all its utterances, its candidates and plat- form, be completely dominated by the class interests of the petty bourgeoi- sie, for that is what this convention represented. It was not a labor re- volt, but a petty bourgeois revolt against the dominant political parties in this country. Little Business and Labor Unite. There was no attempt to disguise the fact that LaFollette and the lead- ers of this convention intended to make their appeal to little business as well as to the industrial workers and farmers. Rather was this fact empha- sized thruout the entire convention. Chairman Johnston, in his keynote speech to the convention, said: Where is economic freedom and equality of opportunity for the in- dependent manufacturer who must buy and sell in a trust controlled market and is suffered to exist only on condition that he does not engage in active and effective competition? Where is economic freedom and equality of opportunity for the small merchant who finds his wholesale and retail prices fixed by trusts and combinations, while he himself is be- ing slowly but surely crushed and TH E DAILY WORKER forced out of business? Where is economic freedom and equality of opportunity even for the independent banker, who is per- mitted to participate in the sale of bonds and the financing of new en- terprises only by the grace of the great banking syndicates, while he already foresees his early extinction by resistless competition from the branches of the great centralized financial institutiogs? We may not all know it, but we are all in the same ship—farmers, industrial workers, salaried em- ployes and professional men, as well as independent manufacturers, mer- chants and’ bankers. Want Anti-Trust Action. The entire statement to the con- vention by Senator Robert M. La- Follette is an appeal for enforcement of the Sherman anti-trust law and the destruction of the great productive or- ganizations which have been built up in the form of trusts and great corpo- rations during the last quarter of a century in this country. Senator LaFollette states this issue as follows: With the changing phases of a 30- year contest, I have been more and more impressed with the deep un- derlying singleness of the issue. The supreme issue is not railroad control. It is not the tariff, bank- ing or-taxation. These and other questions are but manifestations of one great strug- gle. The supreme issue, involving all others, is the encroachment of the powerful few upon the rights of the many. This great power has come between the people and their gov- ernment. We must, with states- manship and constructjve legisla- tion, meet these problems, or we shall pass them on, with all the pos- sibilities of violent conflict and chaos, to our children. Democracy cannot live side by side in any country with the pres- ent system of control of government by private monopoly. We must choose, on the one hand, between representative government, with its guarantee of peace, liberty and eco- nomic freedom and prosperity for all the’ people, and, on the other, La Follette’s Convention--A Petty war, tyranny and the impoverish- ment of the many for the enrich- ment of the favored few. Earlier in the same statement Sen- ator LaFollette made clear how he ex- pected to change the situation de- scribed in the above quotation, He says: The private monopoly system has grown up only thru long-continiied violation of the law of the land and could not have attained its present proportions had either the Demo- cratic or Republican parties faith- fully and honestly enforced the law. John Sherman, the clearest vi- sioned Republican statesman of his time, saw the danger to political lib- erty and economic freedom in this country a generation ago and sought to fortify the government to meet and destroy it. For “Free Competition.” There we have the gist of the whole LaFollette program, which was swal- lowed by the C. P. P. A.. Enforce the Sherman ayti-trust law. Destroy the great trusts and corporations. This will loosen their grip on the govern- ment of this country, and restore free government, and then all will be well for the people. This is the program of little busi- ness fighting against big business. It is the program, as one speaker em- phasized it in the convention, of re- storing “free competition” in the Unit- ed States. Democracy and free com- convention adopts the slogan, “Back to 1776.” These quotations and statements clearly stamp this movement as the big capital. The quotations above could be strengthened by a hundred other quotations from speeches in the con- vention, from Chairman Johnston's statement, and from Senator LaFol- lette's statement to the convention. It is true that the platform of both Senator LaFollette and that adopted by the convention, which is a para- phrase of it, takes cognizance of some other features, They have thrown in bait for the farmer and something to interest the industrial worker, but the dominant note in all was the struggle against the trusts, the struggle to petition existed in 1776, and hence the, revolt of the petty bourgeoisie against | store “free competition” and democ- racy in government. Why the Railroad Unions? Accepting this analysis of the basis of the movement, the question natur- ally arises, what are the railroad unions doing in an alliance of this character? Why is it that these unions particularly are in a fight such as that which Senator LaFollette is leading? This is not a difficult question to which to find an answer. The railroad unions during the war and since have met governmental intervention in the affairs affecting their wages and working conditions. During the pe- riod of the war, they secured many concessions from the government con- trolled railroads. Since the end of the war they have found as their most powerful enemy in their struggle over wages and working conditions a gov- ernmentally created railroad labor board. Given these conditons, and there could be no other outcome than that the railroad unions would enter poli- tics in an effort to control the instru- ment thru which the railroad owners were fighting them. The railroad unions want to abolish the railroad la- bor board, and remembering condi- tions which existed during the war pe- riod, they are favorable to govern- mental ownership of the railroads, That the railroad union representa- tives were not interested in much else than their own fight against the rail- \road labor board testifies to this fact. |They manifested the greatest enthusi- asm when speakers touched upon the activities of the railroad labor board. It was the railroad question that they were fighting about and it was quite apparent that they didn’t care much about anything else. It is significant that the only mo- nopoly which the LaFollette program demands that the government shall own is the railroads. All the others lare to be “busted” thru enforcement of the Sherman anti-trust law. This is| a concession to the railroad unions and also part of the demand of little business, which feels that as long as the railroads are in private hands they will discriminate in favor of the big trusts, and the only way to prevent | break up monopoly, the struggle to re- Will Go Like Townley. “Townley went down as a wheat farmers’ leader. They once had great confidence in him, over the Dakotas, Minnesota and Montana. Then condi- tions changed. Townley did not meet the new needs. The farmers ceased to follow him. It will be the same way with LaFollette.” The Farmer-Labor Party’s slogan of “The Land for the Users,” has’made a great impression on the farmers, says Knutson. “The question they are asking is how they are actually go- ing to get the land that bankers hold title to in their skyscraper offices. . The Russian Way. “I've heagd lots of farmers talk about this—how are we going to get the land,” went on Knutson. “And after a lot of talking, you hear many of them come to this conclusion: ‘There's only one way to do it—the way they did it in Russia’.” NORTHWEST OHIO TO HOLD FARM- LABOR MEETING (Special to the DAILY WORKER) TOLEDO, Ohio, July 8.—The Lucas County Farther-Labor convention is to be held here this coming, Sunday, July 18, at 1 P. M., in the Labor Tem- ple Hall A. Over one hundred dele- gates are expected to attend and en- dorse the work of the national Farm- er-Labor convention held June 17, at St. Paul. The delegates so far have expressed the sentiment of their local organisations for the pushing with ut- most vigor of the campaign of Dun- can McDonald and William Bouck, the miner and the farmer for presi- dent and vicepresident, respectively. The call to the county convention has been sent out by the Provisional Arrangements Committee, of which H. P. Brucken is secretary-treasurer, at 216 Irving St., Toledo, All labor unions, workers political parties, workers co-operative associations, fraternal and farmers organizations in Lucas county have been invited to participate. The committee in charge anticipates the launching of a live Farmer-Labor party in northwest Ohio. , Chicago Russians Will Picnic Sunday At National Grove Another big picnic will be held in Chicago radicals, the Workers Party, next Sunday, July 13, at National Grove, Ill. The pienic is given by (Continued from preceding page.) ought to vote ‘class consciously.’ Journalistically we gave that up twenty years ago.” Cahan explained that the Socialists had been making the “mistake” of following a dogmatic tradition in teaching a “class con- sciousness that is not applicable to America.” “We must vote for LaFollette,” he said, “for the simple reason and the sole reason that he is this year in a position to make a crack in the two old parties.” Socialists Get Mitten. Cahan declared that the Socialist patty had been “making love to the working class, but the working class left us ‘waiting at the church.’” At certain times the working class want- ed to come and marry the Socialists, but each time the Socialists were dis- appointed by hearing the workers sing: “But my wife won’t let me!” Ap- parently he meant that Gompers was the “wife.” “Yes,” he shouted, “but a certain wife who appears to be now in Madi- son Square Garden at a certain con- vention won't let you. I am going to vote for LaFollette because that is the only thing to do. We have been wrong right along. We have been tell- ing the workers that it was a sin not to vote the straight Socialist ticket. You know what the Jewish word ‘kosher’ means. Well, we used to teach the readers of the Forward to vote strictly ‘kosher.’ Now, if I made this speech two years ago, you would have howled me down. Now I tell you that what we are going to do is not class conscious, and it is not Marxian. ‘Class conscious and Marx- ian’—that has nothing to do with us. We are going into the LaFollette campaign with the Conference for Progressive Polttical Action. They know that we have collapsed. Let us face reality and admit it. Now thet we are helpless, let us join hands with somebody else. Party Leaders Scared. At this point the other leaders of the party sat gasping with astonish- ment, pale and nervously whispering. Acting Chairman Goebel notified Ca- han that his time was w from the delegates, “Go on! “Give him more time!” caused the aged editor to hesitate to ve the Platform, and by unanimous consent he was allowed to continue, “For the last twenty years,” he went on, “many of us, including my- self, have been trying to follow ideas of strictly class action based upon Buropean experience. That expe ence doesn't apply here. We have to show our readers now, all of a pud- the White Russian Peoples’ Society, the South Side Children’s School and the Russian Branch of the Workers This picnic, will be a jolly affair. Reach the grounds hy taking any car to 22nd street, 22nd street west to the end. opens at 10 o'clock, » Then La-|lieve them. Now we are going to face Grange to National Grove. The grove|reality and go out and tell the work- ers honestly that to vote a class con- den, that those ideas that we have been teaching them are all a mistake. ‘That will be hard, but they will be- ?ry.” lieve us. The Communists have been trying to tell them t bunch of crooks, and they don't! be- |labor party is not here yet. scious ticket is all bunk. The truth that we are facing is that a large mass of people who are entirely inde- pendent of classes are disgusted with the old parties and are going to desert them. LaFollette is the only logical candidate, and we are going to vote for him, not because we are class con- scious, but because he is an honest, straight gentleman. Cahan Pessimistic. “Now I want to tell you frankly about my good friend and comrade, Morris Hillquit. I tell you honestly that I have not believed very much in the theory of leadership. not appeal to me, the way he has led you for the last twenty years. We have been fooling ourselves. now I am glad to say we are turning anew leaf. That new leaf is not a la- bor party. They tell you that if we go into this thing we are going to get a labor party next January after the election is over. About this idea that we are going to get a labor party, I don’t believe in it. We ‘hope,’ we ‘trust’—but we don’t believe in it. “They told you at the mass meeting Sunday that the labor party is ‘al- ready here.’ Don’t believe it. The Is it? No. Of course not,” Seizing a copy of the minority re- port from the table, the old man ex- eitedly waved it, shouting: “Here is a bottle of whisky! You know the story of a man who went to a sanitarium)to be cured of the drink habit, and he smuggled his whisky into the sani- d|tarium with him. That’s what Snow and Henry are trying to do. Here we are going into this campaign to be cured of our old illusions, and Snow and Henry are hugging this bottle un- der their coat, trying to bring their il- lusions with them. It is the same old whisky—the same old illusion. ‘The old man was greeted with a tre- mendous storm of applause as he took his seat. Hillquit, obviously alarmed, immediately pushed his way to the platform to deliver his admonition to Cahan, warning him that he was talk- ing not only to the assembled dele- gates, but to the country as well, and that his statements were uncontrolled and irresponsible, The battery of pro-Hillquit men was composed of practically every known leader of the Socialist party except Jacob Panken. Oneal and Gerber had changed overnight to the ‘majority report and Cameron King even became the official reporter for the majority lution. Panken re- mained dissatisfied to the last, forcing the convention to vote down against a puny minority a compromise motion eking to limit the Socialist national executive committee to acceptance of He asserted that some of the C. P. P. A. exeputive committee mem- bers who would be called upon to name a vice presidential candidate were already committed to the strike breaker Berry as a candidate before eaeeeEeEE the Democratic convention, It does} But | the “progressive” vice presidential candidate only if “representative of he working cl: ment of the coun- Abe Cahan Confesses Socia Disrupt Themselves. Snow made a desperate plea to the convention to be careful in this “crisis in the Socialist party,” which “can mean disruption of the party, with nothing put in its place.” He declared that he had refused to join the Com- munist party because he did not be- ourselves under the dictatorship of La- Follette and have forced upon us a platform written by LaFollette.” |Henry said that the LaFollette con- |vention was not only not a labor con- vention, but not even a progressive jconvention. “If it had been a progres- | sive convention he.(LaFollette) would not have objected to its selecting a |vice presidential nominee. Now we |not only have to accept his platform and program, but we have to wait for a vice presidential nominee until after the Democratic convention, when may- be Tammany Hall will have one left over that we can have. Or maybe we will find ourselves accepting Bill Thompson of Chicago. “Then look at the Illinois situation,” continued Snow. “There is Newton Jenkins, who will soon be announced as Republican candidate for governor of Illinois, and behind Jenkins is the Bill Thompson machine. You know what the Bill Thompson machine is. such discrimination is thru govern. Bourgeois Revolt ment ownership. Third Group in the Convention. Besides the petty bourgeois progres- sive leadership and. the railroad unions, there was a third group repre- sented in the convention, This group, however, was relatively very weak. It was made up of the delegates from the needle trades and the insignificant in- ternational unions which were repre- sented together with the Socialist Par- ty. This element showed no ability to fight in the convention. It accepted the program of the petty bourgeois prog: ressive leaders and the railroad unions without a struggle. After talking loud- ly about the intention to fight for the formation of a “labor party” it abject- ly surrendered itself and became the tail to this petty bourgeois movement. Will Party Come From C. P. P. A.? The report of the Organization Com- mittee provides for another conven- tion in January, 1915, to take up the question of forming a permanent par- ty. It is upon this clause @hat the Labor party element in the convention places its hopes. Whether or not a party is formed at the proposed January meeting, it will not be a Labor Party. The movement which entered the political arena at the Cleveland convention would have to experience an internal revolution be- fore it could be of a labor character. It is not a Labor party movement, but a movement for the formation of a petty bourgeois party that will fight’ the battle of this element against the domination of big capital in the United States, It is very likely that a new party will be born out of the Cleveland convention. Those who look upon it as merely another manifestation such ,as that which took place in 1912 in the Roose- velt campaign leave out of considera- tion the development of economic forces which has taken place since 1912. Roosevelt’s Progressive party was, in part, a petty bourgeois revolt against big capital, but the petty bour- geois were not dominant in the Roose- velt party. The LaFollette party is a new expression of the petty bour- geois revolt, but this time the leader- ship and domination of the movement is in the hands of the’petty bourgeois progressives, with a section of the la- bor movement tagging along behind. “movement of force-anarchists that came to its end in Cook county jail in 1881,” and later on the fight about “the Kangaroos,” and then the I. W. W. split, and finally the fight with “the Communist lunatics that left us in 1919.” Oneal said: “We succeed- ed in separating ourselves from the lieve in dictatorship, “and now we find| pes pout and we have at last won | the! confidence of these people (the heads of the C. P. P. A.), and here is another tiny group which proposes to wreck the whole thing.” Herbert Quick, Socialist candidate for governor of Wisconsin, said he ad- mitted the Socialist party “is not much of a party, but it ought to be preserved.” Comparing the LaFol- lette scheme to a game of solitaire in which the player cheats himself, he said: “If you can do it so slick that you can fool yourself, there is nothing wrong about it,” but that those who know the “political gang” behind La- Follette would not believe that La- Follette will help the Socialist party. “No, the Socialist party will only help LaFollette.” “Read the history of la- bor legislation in the Wisconsin legis- lature, where LaFollette had the ma- jority. He speaks of national owner- ship of water power, but, he doesn’t tell us why his son and his attorney general lobbied against the water Can you imagine yourself on a soap box as a Socialist trying to defend that corrupt and foul bunch, with Newton Jenkins on one side and ‘Thompson on the other? Ip the east you have no LaFollette sentiment and are comparatively free from that.” Snow was nervous, plainly embar- rassed by responsibility in opposing the great party leaders, and hurriedly got thru his talk before more than ten minutes of his fifteen minutes had passed. He said with trembling voice: “I took an oath years ago when I joined the Socialist party that I never would vote a Republican or a Demo- cratic ticket, and, by God, I won't! And yet the majority report as pre- sented by Comrade Cameron King places me in the position where I'll have to go out and support Republic- an candidates no matter what I want to do. You don't know what you will have to face when you go out and tell the comrades thruout the country about this, It will be like shell.shock to them.” After G. A. Hoehn, old-time St. Louis leader of the party, had defended the LaFollette candidacy, Bertha Hale White, national secretary, read the telegram from Debs, the hearing of which cast a visible discouragement upon the “left wing. But Delegate Sidney Stark of Pittsburgh neverthe- less doggedly renewed the fight, de- claring that “LaFollette has always fought Socialism,” and “I will not go along on the band wagon for a polit feal charlatan, no matter who he is,” James Oneal attackéa the minority, calling their obstruction “just another Chinese wall such as somebody always been erecting between ug and the working class just as soon as we were getting near to.them.” He com- pared the present objeoters to the — power bill in the Wisconsin senate. I hope,” he said, “that we will not tie ourselves onto the tail of the capital- ist politician’s kite and lose all that we have built up. That is not going to build up a labor party. That gang has made us agree that to build a la- bor party we are going to wait until after election, when all the lame ducks of the Democratic and the Re- publican party will have a chance to crowd in, When the lame ducks do come into this organization, the com- rades will find out they are mis- taken.” Warren Atkinson expressed the opinion that the so-called left wing “in the long run will quit the Social- ist movement.” “We are constantly moving to the right because the left wing has left us,” he continued, and said he wanted a party referendum on the question. Victor Berger, Socialist congress- man from Wisconsin, said that La- Follette “was the most dangerous man against us because he was near- est to us,” and that the Republican He could criticize the gystem better than us.” Berger said he had always fought LaFollette, “but during the war he was the. only man who took a stand. He stood better than our own mei Now we are put in a queer position in Wisconsin. We will have to vote for LaFollette, and at the ‘making almost a Socialist “peter same time will have to fight his state ticket.” Pointing to Cahan, “I said to that old man there—” “I am not much older than you!” angrily interrupted Cahan. “Well, he acts much older than me, I told that old man there that I am convinced this is a new step, the be- ginning of a new time, that it is the reincarnation of the Socialist party.” list Party Collapse And so the old men quarreled end- lessly. McGowan of Pennsylvania said. “I am surprised that at this ‘labor party’ convention we did not show as much enthusiasm as the Communists did at their St. Paul convention. We came committed to a labor party, and we didn’t get it. My hopes were not ful- filled. I don’t know how I am going to go out and tell the crowds that somebody prevented the building of a labor party, unless we attach the same odium to ourselves. They will be disgusted.” William H. Henry declared that he believed that “most of the comrades are against it. I believe that west of the Mississippi we will lose every ac- tive comrade, except in California. I don’t want to lose most of the Social- ist party just to swallow Bob LaFol- lette..... I heard Comrade Hillquit’s eulogy of Bob LaFollette, and I thought about Gene Debs, and I don’t feel good about it. I don’t believe there is any unusual chance for a big gathering in January, 1925, nor do I believe that LaFollette will get a big vote. I don’t believe the big railroad unions will be there at all, and you can go there and capture yourselves.” Hillquit closed for the majority re- port, with an argument that must be admitted to be one of the most skill- ful ever heard at a convention. Its substance was an elaboration of the arguments already developed, but so concisely put that there is no doubt that many wavering delegates were brought over at the last minute for the sinking of the Socialist party into the non-partisan plan of political kite- flying which was more frankly ex- posed by Mr. Cahan, The business of the convention— the last real business of the Socialist party has ben done. All that remains is empty routine. British Planes in Japan. TOKIO, July 8.—The British around- the-world airplane, piloted by Major Stuart MacLaren, left Kushimoto to- day. The “Spar 6. VERSE 1113 W. Washington Blvd. IAIL MEANS FOR BARING CRIMES OF HIGHER-UPS Andy Mellon Escapes as Privileged Bootlegger By LUDWELL DENNY. (Staff Correspondent of the Fed. Press) NEW YORK, July 8.—Gaston B. Means, Daugherty’s depart- ment of justice agent and friend of Harding and Jess Smith, has been convicted with his assistant Elmer W. Jarnecke in federal court in New York of conspiracy to violate the Volstead act. An- drew W. Mellon, the distillery owning secretary of the treas- ury, and others charged by Means with sharing his guilt, have come off without a trial and without much publicity in the press. Mellon, when called to the stand, was protected by govern- ment attorney Todd and Judge C. E. Wolverton, and did not have to answer the important questions put by the defense. Means charged that the trial was the outcome of his discovery in Mel- lon’s bank of illegal whisky with- drawals from the Overholt Distillery at Pittsburgh in which Mellon holds stock. The court would not let Mel- lon testify concerning the amount of his stock in the distillery. Nor was Mellon allowed to answer the follow- ing question: “Do you know about the releasesfrom the Overholt Distillery Co., at Pittsburgh of 2,950 cases and 49,000 gallons of whiskey to a man named Goodman?” Exposing Daugherty His Crime. “Means and Jarnecke are victims of persecution by the government,” the defense charged, “resulting from the activities of Means in agsisting the Brookhart committee of the senate in its investigation of the department of justice and former attorney general Harry M. Daugherty. These defen- dants never would have been indicted had they not aided in uncovering the plot of men of wealth with political influence to violate the prohibition law. Their indictment is the direct result of their interference with the bootlegging activities of men high in the political and financial worlds.” Jess Smith killed himself the day after Means told Smith he was going to reveal to congress the liquor deals in which Means had paid Smith $400,- 000, according to Mean’s testimony. Smith, the close friend and associate of Daugherty, killed himself in the lat- ter's Washington apartment. Harding In On It. Harding's connection with Means was brought out by Clark Grier, a friend of the late president and dele- gate from Augusta, Georgia, to the Chicago Republican convention. He said Harding picked Means to handle the national prohibition investigation, with Jess Smith. Travis Hoke, a news- Paper man, corroborated Means’ story of the disappearance of certain docu- ments, including the letter from Hard- ing authorizing Jess Smith to conduct the liquor investigation. It was from this vantage point that Smith and Means were able to rake off the $400,- 000 and more by facilitating and wink- ing at illegal whiskey withdrawals. “Not Trying Government.” “Forged withdrawal permits we: found in Mellon’s bank in Pittsburgh,” Means testified in the course of the trial. But the judge quickly cut off the development of that testimony by shouting in anger: “I'll tell you now, we are not trying the government, we are trying the defendants.” Send in that Subscription Today. Did You Find It? GET THE NEXT ISSUE “DAILY WORKER” MAGAZINE SECTION SATURDAY, JULY 12, 1924 1. Lenin on War and Social-patriotism... The Betrayal at Cleveland... Benevolent Feudalism in Education On a Hospital Cot—A Story.. ’ That Grew Into a Flame Resolution on Factory Nuclei.. By the Communist International And Many Other Interesting Articles. PICTURES —_—_—____———-ORDER NOW! THE DAILY WORKER, LOST: a pocket book, at the July , 4th picnic at Stickney Grove. It con- tained sdme valuable papers, among them a fishing license. Please return to the DAILY WORKER office or report there If you saw someone pick it up. By Karl Radek «By Alexander Bittelman -By A Teacher By John Lassen By David Ivan Jones ILLUSTRATIONS Chicago, Illinois