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= rare , $6.00 per year Page S!x ‘THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 months By mall (in Chicago only): $8.00 per year $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 montus Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 4118 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, Illinois J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F, DUNNE { MORITZ J. LOBB.. Editors Business Manager Wntered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923.at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. pw Advertising rates on application. The Question of Spies “In-nine cases out of ten they are on the pay- roll of William J. Burns,” said William H. John- ston at Cleveland, trying to explain the frantic fear they have of the Communists. This would be a grave accusation if true. Un- mately for Mr. Johnston and his kind, who would like to make the workers believe that Com- munists are detectives, it happens that when spies are-found among the Communists (which happens, of course, thanks to capitalism and its agents) they-are-exposed by the Communists, not by John- ston, And more unfortunate still for Mr. John- ston, there have been many more spies exposed among his and Mr. Gompers’ followers than among the Communists. Let us be specific: Just a few days before Mr. Johnston made his slanderous statement a real Spy was exposed in Pittsburgh, Pa. His name is Robert W. Beattie. For more than twelve years he had been in the employ of detective agencies to report the doings of the unions to the employers. Was he a Communist? No, Robert W. Beattie was a strong supporter of Johnston, Gompers, Lewis, and their kind. He is a vice-president of the International Union of Firemen and Oilers, and editor of their journal; he is secretary of the Pittsburgh Central Labor Union, a strong Gompers stronghold; he is presi- dent of the Labor Bank, a good Johnstonian in- stitution; and is a staunch supporter of things as they are in the labor movement. Beattie was exposed as a spy thru the investi- gations of an official of the State of Pennsylvania, not thru the investigations of Mr. Johnston, and hints have been given that more exposures are to come. The Communists are not the ones that feel nervous about such exposures of spies, who are found high in Johnston’s circles, but not high among the Communists. With much more truth than Mr. Johnston’s G7 statement about the Communists, it can be said, ee SOMOS TOT and backed up by evidence of the union bureau- crats themselves, that there are detectives among the labor bank officials, editors of the union jour- nals, officials of the central labor bodies, and sup- porters of Mr. Gompers. Like all such vermin, wherever they may be found, these spies must be found and driven from the movement. Riding Two Horses The railroad union weekly, Labor, could qualify for a job with the circus any day. It has been riding with one foot on the horse of McAdoo in the democratic ring, and balancing lightly with the other on LaFollette in the republican ring. This continues even in the puy 5th issue, dated after their beloved C. P. P. ‘A. had definitely sub- mitted unconditionally to LaFollette. In this latest issue of Labor, the democratic convention is reported by Raymond Lonergan and Donald Ramsey. In its flaring headlines we learn that McAdoo is “boldly defying plutocracy” and that the democratic platform “has many superb planks.” Bryan emerges in the columns of Labor as again “the great commoner” slaying the dragon of Wall Street. The editor has made a flying leap onto the democratic horse. But just wait until the next issue. With light- ning agility he will be back upon the independent republican, with perhaps a toe still resting gently upon McAdoo’s shoulder unless that worthy has been definitely eliminated in New York since then. All of which is about as far removed from work- ing-class political action as can well be imagined. Such jockeying may be very effective in getting jobs for labor fakers but it leaves the workers and farmers worse off than it found them. The union officials are hopelessly entangled with the old party politicians. They will never break until the workers themselves take the lead by smashnig all such machinery for betrayal as the C. P. P. A. and the “non-partisan” policy that is partisan to all but the actual workers. Dolla Out of Prison At last, after more than four years in prison, and more than a year and a half after proof had been published by The Labor Herald and the Work- er that he was sent to prison on perjured evi- dence, Jacob Dolla, steel striker and militant union man, has been freed from the Pennsylvania penitentiary. Eyery militant in America will rejoice in this news. Not only because Dolla will be reunited with his family again, not alone for the addition to the union ranks of a good fighter, a kind all too scarce, but above all, Dolla’s release is wel- jomed because it came as a result of pressure by the labor movement against the capitalist politi- cians. When labor begins to wake up and make demands, that is the beginning of even wider, and more far-reaching things. ose Prayer and Politics Announcement is made that churches are call- ing special meetings to pray for the recovery of Calvin Coolidge, Jr., now ill with blood-poisoning. Upon the face of it, this is passed off as the simple humanitarianism of our good religious people, stirred by the imminence of death in the Coolidge family. In reality it is politics. The unfortun- ate boy is being dragged from his sick-bed into the struggle for political power between two rival groups of office-holders, and for use as a soporific upon the restless masses. “There is nothing like good old-fashioned prayer in time of distress,” says a clergyman of Kansas City, in launching this good old-fashioned political move. He does not say, however, that the distress which really moves those who take up this slogan is not that of the young heir of Coolidge, but the distress of the capitalist system which is being torn with its contradictions. It is the distress of fear that the masses will become disgusted with all the Coolidges, MeAdoos, LaFollettes, et al, and turn in millions to their own Farmer-Labor Party. They may well pray. Their system of society is on its death-bed. Whatever the effect of the prayer upon Coolidge Jr. may be (and we must be permitted to doubt that God will interfere with the course of the infection from which he suffers), upon the course of capitalist disintegration the prayers will have not the slightest effect. Strike to Enforce Defeat The pussy-footing tactics of the officials of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union in the New York situation has finally placed them in the absurd position of threatening a strike to en- force the award of Goy. Smith’s commission, an award that is a terrible defeat for the union if it is accepted. Instead of putting into effect the decision to strike when the employers turned down all the union demands, a decision rendered by the workers in overwhelming majority, Sigman & Co. proceed- ed to place the interests of the cloakmakers in the hands of his political friend, Goy. Smith of Tammany Hall. What followed was predicted by the left wing, and is inevitable when a union is led by cowardly, treacherous, and reactionary socialists and anarch- ists. The commission of “friends of labor” grant- ed nothing. The union officials wish to accept the award. Encouraged by such miserable weakness, the sub-contractors now reject the award, and want to take a few more pounds of flesh from the gar- ment workers. So Sigman is forced to threaten a strike to enforce the award that is the worst de- feat given the garment workers in years. It is the complete bankruptcy of the Sigman-Cahan regime, which has resorted to force and fraud to hold its offices, and now surrenders to the employers. Enter the Bankers William Mahoney, chairman of the Farmer-La- bor Federation of Minnesota, was removed from the national committee of the Conference for Pro- gressive Political Action, after that body had voted to submit itself unconditionally to LaFol- lette. John F. Sinclair, a banker of Minneapolis, was put on the committee in place of Mahoney. This switch in committeemen from Minnesota is symbolic of what is going on thruout the La- Follette movement. The workers and farmers were quite good enough to do the work involved in or- ganizing the beginnings of the farmer-labor move- ment. But now God himself, in the person of La- Follette, has arrived to take charge. And God’s first assistants are always bankers. So William Mahoney, the elected chairman of the Farmer- Labor Federation, is forced to give way to Sin- clair, the banker friend of LaFollette. It is not a calamity, however, to have this trend of events brought out so sharply and clearly. It should help to clear the heads of, not only Ma- honey, but also of hundreds of thousands of work- ers and farmers who thought LaFollette and a farmer-labor party could go along together. It helps to make clear that those who want working- class political action must break with LaFollette. The bankers have definitely taken charge of the Wisconsin senator’s campaign. Four and one-half pages of the United Mine Workers Journal are taken up with a detailed ac- count of how some poor fools greeted John L. Lewis with a band and a parade. More than a page is occupied with relating that District 17 has had its autonomy removed and provisional officers appointed by Lewis. The principle edi- torial quotes W. M. Wood, head of the Wool Trust, INO RTA RA ACR a i ti as an authority as to whether wages should be re- duced or not. The Literary Digest receives two pages to give “both sides” of the question of child labor. The rest is official red-tape and slander of the left-vingers. The miners must be proud of Editor Searles and his boss! | ee ae ad The democrats and the republicans put on dif- ferent kinds of vaudeville; but they run on the same circuit-—-Wall Street & Co. Cloakmakers who believed that expulsions in the I. L. G. W. U. were for violation of the union laws, now realize that it was for the purpose of putting over the surrender to the bosses. lll rile It should have been no surprise to the delegates of the Chicago Federation of Labor to learn that the socalled Labor News carries advertisements for prisonmade goods. It carries all sorts “open shop” corporation ads, and supports Samuel Gompers one hundred per cent. THE DAILY WORKER ae Tuesday, July 8, 1924 (Continued from page 1.) said that the best combination was that of proletarian revolution with peasant war. Thus, the rising of the proletariat together with agrarian re- volution; c) National war and colonial ris- ings. The mutual relations and influ- ence of these processes can be shown in our draft program. The divisions among the imperialist powers as the basis for the creation of a new order of proletarian dictatorship. 2. The change in the objective meaning of this process, from the point of view of its general historical conditions. If an isolated national revolution- ary movement occurs, it is no part of | the general process of world revolu- tion. It is otherwise, however, if it can be regarded as a part of the world revolution. ; 3. Ripe and unripe countries, from the pcint of view of preparation for Socialism. This point of view of pre- paration for Socialism. This point is related to those enumerated above. There are various stages and periods of transition in the ripeness for so-| cialism in various countries. For in- stance, Russia. Here there has been much dispute, as to whether we have the material basis for socialism, or not. Russia is a clear example in which, while not all the material con- ditions are ripe, the proletariat, be- cause it has risen victorious, has the opportunity to achieve socialism—if not rapidly, at least step by step. This question was touched upon in one of Lenin's last articles. I believe that the consideration of this question is very important, in order to grasp the many-sided nature of the process- es of world revolution. 4. The various types of socialism and capitalism. Various Types. It is absolutely clear that, from the | theoretical idea in the colonial ques: | the | tion. abstract analytical standpoint, basis of the revolution on the one side, and of the early stages of po-| sitive socialist development on the other, mark the end of the given period of capitalist development. From the practical standpoint we must dis- tinguish various types. Capitalism, which has existed for many centuries, shows at the end of its development very varied and peculiar features. If for instance, we compare the capital- ism of France with that of the United States we see that both are in their death throes not in a literal sense but considered from the broader his- torical standpoint; but we also/ see that they are very different. The French capitalist State is of the small rentier type. One can naturally go farther in seeking out the various types. I am only making general ob- servations. But from these observa- tions it follows absolutely clearly that the early stages of socialism will similarly have their{ peculiar types. The decisive factor is the social-econ- omic structure of the country. In Rus- sia, for instance, where the form of thé early stages of socialism is strong- ly influenced by the peasants and the petty-bourgeoisie, one speaks of Asi- atic socialism. These features would not appear in England for instance. 5. The revolution from proletarian dictatorship into socialism. On this matter I made a report to the Fourth Congress of the Inter- national. After the conquest of power, a pro- cess of evolution begins. After the re- volutionary upheaval we have the pre- quisites for further development. This process is governed by other laws than the process before the conquest of power. This terminology with re- gard to evolution has fallen somewhat into disfavor because the reformists have made much use of it. Their mis- take lies in that they wish to solve the problem of evolution into socialism before the dictatorship, when the pre- requisites for this are not yet present. For them, as the war clearly showed, it was evolution proceeding within the organism of the capitalist State. The leap-the-dictatorship—was ruled out. This, to which the name of social evo- lution was given, was quite a wrong attitude; in reality it was only an evolution into the bourgeois State. That does not mean however that no!fegsors, etc. disturbances of a catastrophic na-| expert,” of securing specialists from ture are possible in the early stages} outside becomes acute, “The building” of socialism. Counter-revolution which up of culturally qualified cadres” in would throw back the whole process] the proletariat is a great question. is possible. On the other hand there are possibiltties of class conflicts] the period of transition consists in a which are not particularly evolution-| coalition government, but he says not ary. For instance, in Russia we had| q various peasant risings in which the) government we could never solve the richer peasant united with the bour- problem of culture, geois traitors. These occurrences are nothing but the fluctuations in their earlier stages. They make no differ- ence to the general ques All these catastrophies do not point towards socialism but towards the -retreat from socialism. These reflections on evolution should be considered from the following different points of views: Process of Conquest. the proletarian State is represented by an ever rising curve), 2) between private capitalism, but of conquest. 1) From the point of view of po-}the dimensions of the problem which lities, and the dying out of the State|yary, The so-called unfitness to gov- (in the first period the building of] ern—clumsiness or }letariat has had and could have had With regard to the economic) no experience. And since in the early situation the question of the struggle] stages of the building of socialism we petty-}are obliged to make partial use of urgeois economy, or simple com] hostile forces, modity production, etc.—it is not ©] arigen that a certain stratum, includ- process of catastrophic annihilatiot Jing some of our own people, may bo- 8) The building up of a new gen- eration: Marx has written that dur- ing this period of civil war, national war, and class war, the proletariat will change its human nature, Thus, political forms, economic forms, the changing of the human nature of the proletariat—are all processes of an evolutionary nature. From this it fol- lows clearly that every attempt at catastrophic development is one coun- ter revolutionary. 6. The special law of this process. |Here we must make a distinction in principle. Capitalistic development is jmothing more than the expanded re- |production of the contradictions of | capitalism and is thus the main |cause of its downfall. That is a con- | ception which is different in principle | |from that of the reformists. After) |the conquest of power we had not the expanded reproduction of these con-| tradictions but their restriction. We} cannot destroy all the contradictions of capitalism, which exist with us, with one blow. We could not im- mediately after the conquest of power | organize everything. The crises in the| early stages of the construction of so- cialist economy were absolutely in- evitable occurrences. These social con- tradictions can only gradually be overcome. The chief differences con- sis in that we have a law of social evolution which is different in prin- ciple from all others. Opposing Alliances. 7. The question of alliances under the dictatorship of the proletariat. In the last stage of the development of captialism, an alliance takes place between the two sections of property owners—between the industrial mag-| nates and the great landowners. Real | antagonism exists between ‘them, nevertheless, in this last stage of | Discuss World Program for Communism of the socialist movement, The cul- tural superiority of the forces, hostile yet at the same time socially neces: sary to us, may hinder our whole de- velopment, This problem must be solved on the one hand by creating our own “cadres” of qualified assistants. But this solution is not complete; for at once the possibility arises that such “cadres” will become transformed in- to a new class of intellectuals which will develop into a~new bourgeoisie. Here yet another problem arises. What guarantee have we that con- tact will be maintained between the “cadres” in process of formation, on the one hand, and the new strata of proletarians on the other? Thus we have two questions: a) the solution of the problem of creating “cadres;” b) the cultural improvement of all the masses, insuring a steady influx of fresh proletarian elements into the |“cadres” so that eventually the whole conception of “cadres” becomes superfluous. Reactionary tendencies will be found in every proletarian re- volution. So long “as we recognize them we need not fear them, for tho they are inevitable, they are not insur- mountable. Agitational Excesses. 10. The problem of production. The material basis of the new econ- AS WE Communists often say that the capi- talists honor their own laws only so long as such observance suits their purpose. The truth of this statement is attested to every day, in the United capitalism, they appear as a fairly compact mass. In opposition to this | alliance, appears the alliance of the} proletariat amd the peasants. In prac- tice, we have the reflection of this| 8. The problem of culture in this/ period. The question is important not) only from the standpoint of the pre- paratory period, but it plays a great part after the conquest of political power. From this point of view we perceive a difference in principle be- tween bourgeois and proletarian re- volution. This difference is that the) bourgeois order grew up, as a whole, | within the feudal system. The whole} apparatus of capitalism, the whole capitalistic hierarchy, not only the| workers, but also the directors of the processes of production—all were there. In the feudal system the bour- geoisie is not the exploited but the ex- ploiting class. It divides its gains, in the form of taxes, with the feudal class, but it exploits the proletariat within feudal society. It is thus not only an oppressed class, but it stands on a higher ievel than the ruling class. It is not economically exploited, it is only partly, politically oppressed. Cul- turally it is not oppressed. All culture concentrates in the towns. Social Democrats Blind. The process of proletarian revolu- tion is quite otherwise. We have never seen it before, and the social-demo- crats will never see it. The basis of socialism is technique, science and the working class itself. But work- ing class captains of industry cannot develop within capitalist society it- self. That would be a contradiction in principle. Socialism grows within capitalism quite differently from the growth of capitalism within fuedal society. The working class is op- pressed not only politically but also) economically. Some comrades—for example Bogdanov—do not agree with this. Bogdanov says that with the de-| velopment of the automatic machine | the proletarian approaches nearer and | nearer to the engineer. This is not) true. Kor with the growth of the| technical skill of the worker the skill of the engineer also rises. For this reason the prolétariat, even before the conquest of political power, needs assistance from other sections—from the bourgeois intellectuals. After the conquest of political power this prob- lem becomes still more acute. We are confronted with the most difficult problems because we have no geolog- ists, engineers, mathematicians, pro- The question of the In his last book Kautsky says that ord about industry. In a coalition Experience Lacking. 9. The possibility of the degenera- tion of the proletarian revolution. The necessity for drawing upon certain bourgeois forces for aid arises from the inevitable deficiencies of the proletariat—deficiencies due to lack of qualification for certain tasks. And I maintain that this problem is com- mon in every proletarian revolution; it is not specially Russian—it is only ignorance—are simply due to the fact that the pro- the possibility has States and all over the world. The Germans are supposed to be strictly proper. They had a reputation as ob- servers of rules and regulations. But two instances in recent German his- |tory show that the German ruling class acts tinder compulsion in a man- ner no different to its brother robber class of other countries. ** * The raid on the Soviet Commercial Bureau was one instance. In open violation of international law, the secret police under the instructions of the Minister of the Interior, broke in- to the Soviet offices, on the pretext of looking for a prisoner and searched for him thru the files and the pige6n- holes of the embassy. They did not care so much about finding the alleged prisoner, but they carted away several truck loads of Soviet documents. That is what they were after. Having ac- complished their purpose, the German statesman, apologized for the act, but kept the documents and proceeded to spread propaganda about Russian in- terference in the affairs of Germany. ee ee The latest violation of German laws by the German ruling class was the recent raid on the Prussian diet and German Reichstag and the seizure of more “Communist documents.” The revelations are framed in the best Wil- liam J. Burns style. Assassination plots, chekas, plots to blow up water works, plans to shut off gas and elec- tricity, served up with the latest em- bellishments known to the specialists in the art of lying. The German com- munists make no secret of the fact that they have organizations whose object is to overthrow the capitalist system in Germany and organize’ a So- viet Republic. But the German Fas- ¢isti led by Ludendorff are also armed and parade openly with the conniv- ance of the German rovernmbgt Lu- dendorff and his gang threaten to take over the government by force when- ever it fails to reach his standard of reaction, Yet the government, at the head of which is a socialist, looks on with benevolent neutrality. But, the Communists—that is different. ee The Dawes report has hard sledding in Europe. The French trust magnates were in favor of it at first, because it promised them money at German ex- pense, while it did not tell them to get out of the Ruhr. Now, Ramsay Mae- Donald, acting for the British Federa- tion of Industries, does not relish the idea of the French getting the money and still keeping the Ruhr. That would not be fair to the British heavy industries which gre suffering from the competition of the French. The socialist MacDonald and the radical socialist Herriot, much tho they would like to come to terms in order to pre- serve themselves politically, must listen to the master’s voice and act ac- cordingly. The Dawes report was de- signed to stabilize Huropean capital- ism, at the-expense of the working class. MacDonald and Herriot were quite willing it should be done this way, but the capitalists of Europe, like the Democratic candidates for the presidency, may risk bringing the whole structure down over their ears rather than share the spoils with each other, f ik aaa Lord Danesfort is the Fred R. Mar- vin of England. Mr. Marvin is the gentleman who furnishes the Ameri- can capitalists with a daily thriller on the progress_of “subversive” move- » Which inclu anything from the superannuated Daught of the Revolution to the Workers Pi Mar- vin does it for a living, of o and no doubt laughs heartily at the dupes who keep him eating beans and cof- fee. The British lord, however, pre- come detached from the common aim ek sumbly is not so hard up and his em ‘ On this question we drag in agita- tional excesses into our theoretical reasoning. In no land is the proletar- iat, under the capitalist yoke, so ripe that its revolutionary enthusiasm can be developed by the watchword of im- proved methods of production. It will be impossible with this slogan—that we shall organize methods of produc- tion better than the capitalists,—to raise among the masses that hatred of the capitalists which is nevertheless a prerequisite for victorious revolution. If is incorrect to believe that the capitalist system is wrong because it accumulates too much. On the con- trary. After the conquest of power, we must reckon with a decline of pro- duction with a lower standard of liv- ing also for the proletariat. But we must try to accumulate. In the first stage of socialism this will be one of the most difficult problems, To sum up: 1) The most important pre-re- quisite for the development, which differs in principle from previous de- velopment, is the conquest of political power. 2) The creation of the material- economic side, 3) The changing of the “human nature of the proletariat” and later also of the whole human material. ‘These are the main lines of the tran- sition period. SEE IT By T. J. O7FLAHERTY. recent exposure of Communist activity is due more to softening of the brain than a desire to shake down the capi- talist class. se 6 The old fossil has learned that the Communists are teaching sedition and blasphemy to little children on Sun- day. This is hawful! If they had con- fined their pernicious activities to the less sacred days of the week, the noble lord might excuse them, but Sunday, that is an entirely different matter. In order to curb this menace, the Lord introduced a bill in the House of Lords, entitled “The Sedi- tious and Blasphemous Teaching to Children Bill.” The Communists, ar- gued the noble lord when presenting \his bill, are holding up religion to con- tempt and their comment on patriot- ism is shocking. They go even far- ther than the famous English writer who said that “patriotism is the last tefuge of a scroundel.” One of the Communist commandments, said Danesfort reads, “Thou shalt not be a patriot, for a patriot is a national blackleg.” They might have added and at times “an international black- leg.” g * ft @ A Communist school teacher is sup- ‘posed to have justified the killing (he called it murder) of the notorious Sir Henry Wilson, whose life was short- ened by Irish republicans two years ago. Sir Henry was one of the British murderers responsible for the Black and Tan outrages in Ireland. Lord Danesfort made it quite clear that he was not attacking “socialist” Sunday schools. The socialist schools were al- right excepting in cases where a Com- munist teacher might sneak in, under the guise of socialist. se The Archbishop of Canterbury also had his say on the question. “They teach free love,” he snuffled. Their stuff was so vile, declared that pious fraud that he would not dare to quote it even tho there were no ladies present. The disciples of Sir Alfred |Douglas who comprise the great major- ity of the House of Lords are not known to tremble before the spectre of free love, but free love even in the sense that it is used by foul minded clergymen, is too tame a diversion for those jaded preverts. The British aristocracy have elevated sex perver- sion to a fine art, and like our own monied aristocracy their sexual ani- ;madversions provide the yellow press {of England with its best circulation ;material. The Communists do not ad- vocate “free love.” They seek to | abolish the present inequitable form of society which places a price on love. The relationships between the sexes under the capitalist system are only too often on a cash basis, Under Communism, women would not be obliged to sell themselves to such mo- rons as Lord Danesfort, who are gen- erally provided with more money than brains. The Lord fears real equality, therefore he kicks at the thought of losing his present advantageous posi- tion, j The Poor Fish 8: I was going to run for president’ in order to break the deadlock, but McAdoo stole my tail so I couldn't get into the swim. Now I am flopping around on my fins like the rest of the lame ducks. ¢ F ‘i *.