The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 7, 1924, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKFR PUBLISHING CO., 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Il. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 monthr By mall (in Chicago only): $4.50....6 months $2.50....8 montas $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mai! and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1118 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, IIlInols ...._ Editors -Business Manager J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE (™ MORITZ J. LOEB..... Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. <B 20 Advertising rates on application. C———_—_—_—_—_—_ Looking Backward LaFollette’s statement of the issues upon which he has decided to make a personal campaign for the presidency is the most reactionary document so far issued this year. He places the enforce- ment of the Sherman anti-trust law as the domi- nant issue. His program is the return to com- petition, the breaking up of the great industries, the return to small production, the abolition of private monopoly by turning back the pages of history to the same condition that produced the present dictatorship of the capitalists. A futile, helpless, reactionary wail is the La- Follette document. Afraid to touch the’ funda- mental issue, which is the necessity for the work- ers, allied with the farmers, to take the ownership of these great industries out of the hands of pri- yate people and operate them in the interests of the toiling masses—afraid to propose the one measure that goes to the roots of present social evils, the abolition of private property in the ma- chinery of production and distribution—the La- Follette program is even more reactionary than the republican platform which, at least, faces the future even tho it is a future of capitalist exploita- tion. It is more reactionary than the democratic platform which, in spite of hypocritical evasion of all fundamentals, at least does not propose to unscramble the eggs of history. The voice of LaFollette is the voice of the middle class, the voice of small capitalists, the voice of those elements in society whose days of power and influence are over forever. Not one of the power- less groups for whom LaFollette speaks has the slightest historical vitality, not one has the capa- eity for leadership in any bold and courageous action, not one has the first beginnings of a practi- cal program. In the working out of their back- ward-looking pronouncements they would, one and 7———~all, find-themselves helplessly dragged at the wheels of capitalism’s chariot. How refreshing it is, after examining the peurile twaddle of LaFollette, to turn to the program of the National Farmer-Labor Party, adopted at St. Paul, June 17th. The struggle for political power for the workers and farmers, nationalization of all basic industries, securing the land to the users of the land, control of finance and banking by the workers and farmers—these and the measures that naturally follow and accompany, point the road to the future for the toiling masses of America. But the program of LaFollette is turned to the dead past. It is a voice from the grave. Socialist Treachery Following up its consistent record of betrayal of the German working class for ten years, the German Social-Democratic Party, in convention in Berlin, has voted to base its policy upon accept- ance of the Dawes report on reparations. This means that it has voted to place the German work- ing class under the combined slavery of German- Entente imperialism, with a lengthening of the working day and starvation wages for years to come. This treason strikes not alone at the German workers. It is also a knife in the back of the working class of every capitalist country. It is be- trayal of the international working class. For the products of the sweated German labor, with its long hours and miserable wages, will be turned over to the imperialists of the world as a tremend- ous club with which to beat down the standards of British, French, and American workers. The German socialists, by their vote to support Mor- gan, are enlisting the German unions as interna- tional strike-breaking agencies. All of which is the logical outcome of the policy of dass collaboration practiced alike by German and French socialism, the British Labor Party, and Gompers, Johnson, Stone & Co. in America. It can be combatted only by fighting against the class collaboration policy everywhere, whether it be manifested in MacDonald, the labor prime minis- ter, dining with the King; in the renegade social- ists of France entering the bourgeojs government; in Wm. H. Johnson’s infamous “B & O plan’? in the United States; or in the complete surrender to Morgan by the Social-Democratic Party of Ger- many. In the dispute with Mexico, the so-called Labor Government of Great Britain has again demon- strated that it is the agent of British capitalism. MacDonald is supporting the ambassador who ad- dressed such“insulting notes to the Mexican gov- ernment, in behalf of British oil interests, that the Mexican government was forced to ask his with- drawal. Will MacDonald now make war upon Mexico. Send in that Subscription Today! iThe Tieaslend Fiasco What was supposed to have been a political convention in Cleveland, July 4th, turned into a cfoss between a prayer-meeting, a Y. M..C. A. rally, and a mass meeting. The “thousand delegates” that had gathered to “make history” found it im- possible to even make a healthy noise. Expecting to name a presidential ticket, they found that such an important duty would necessarily have to be referred to LaFollette, who would choose himself and someone else to be announced later. Expect- ing to write a program, they were told that La- Follette had written a perfectly good one that made all else superfluous. Expecting at least to be able to talk, they found that even this was out of order, as no talking was desired except that approved beforehand by LaFollette, who will do all the real talking for the Cleveland meet. The bitterest enemies of the Conference for Pro- gressive Political Action could not have hoped for a more complete disillusionment than was given to the “delegates.” They came to participate, were forced to be quiet, and were then sent home with “instructions” to leave it to Bob. As a politi- cal convention it was a good Salvation Army meet- ing. Where were the delegates of the Socialist Party, of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers, of the other needle trades unions, of the dozens of other unions that have voted in convention in favor of establishing a labor party? They were all either silent or active participants in this, the fourth be- trayal of the workers of America by the official leaders of the unions. Morris Hillquit, spokesman for the Socialist Party, was a principal cog in the machine that rolled thru the treacherous pro- gram, All these pseudo-socialists, yellow progres- sives, and fake radicals joined in ramming thru the convention a complete repudiation of the prin- ciple of working class political action. As a political convention, Cleveland was a fiasco. As a part of the systematic betrayal of the work- ing class to the forces of capitalism, large and small, it was a complete success. Cleveland and the Press That there was no “red menace” concealed in the Conference for Progressive Political Action in Cleveland, was demonstrated by the news treat- ment and editorial comment thereon in the capital- ist press, which was tolerant and even half-friend- ly. The contrast of this with the vicious distor- tion and downright lying about the St. Paul con- vention proves that the capitalist class is not afraid of the Cleveland convention. In this the judgement of the capitalist press is sound. There was no menace to things-as-they- are in the Cleveland meeting of pacifists and soft- steppers. Even the aspirations of this aggrega- tion—far ahead of the performances. that may be expected—go no farther than a Lloyd-Georgesque “liberal third party,” dominated by small bank- ers, merchants, and manufacturers. There is not even such a “labor” tinge as might be imparted by the domination of the trade union bureaucrats, who are so completely absorbed into the middle- class elements that they have no embarrassment in accepting the leadership of bankers. It is clear, not only from the weighty evidence of the reception accorded by the capitalist press, but also from every angle from which the Cleve- land meet may be analysed, that the Conference for Progressive Political Action has completely abandoned even the pretence of class action, and has been swallqwed up in the formless, spineless, and leaderless middle class that will inevitably, because of its fear of the working class, immedi- ately fall under the domination of big capital. Join the Young Workers League ? an the young men and women, boys and girls, who work at Bunte’s and other factories, are faced by great problems. Oppressed and exploited by the corporations, whose only interest is the profit to be made from the labor of these young workers, they find themselves helplessly drifting along, seemingly destined to a life of nothing but factory slavery. But this helplessness is only that of the individ- uals. Collectively, when they act together, when they are organized and directed by a plan, the young workers have an enormous power. They have power to resist the exploitation of their bosses, and they have power to change their own lives, to develop the basis of a new society, to build up a working-class culture and working-class power. This can only be done by organization. The leading organization of the young toilers in the factories and on the land, is the Young Workers League. Every intelligent and energetic young worker should become a member of this organiza- tion. Become a leader of the rising working class! Join the Y. Ww. L.! After the democratic delegates have been held long enough to spend all their expense money ad- vances, it ought to be easy to swing their votes the way it was decided around the green table, by the real bosses who carry the treasury. “One of the best platforms ever enunciated as an expression of the interests of the wealth-pro- ducing classes,” is the judgement of William Ma- honey, of the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party, on the program adopted gn June 17th at St. Paul. The “mobilization” planned by the War Depart- ment in September, is a step toward the next war. Workers of the United States must be more high- ly trained, for next time they must take the lead in war, as American eapitalism takes the lead of all capitalist nations, THE DAILY WORKER Prepare For Next War NOTHER world war is in the mak- ing. It is in the immediate fu- ture. And the United States will play the leading role in it. This is not a prophecy. It is the conclusion that every worker must come to after looking squarely at facts of every-day knowledge. Unless one is willing to forget the past entirely he must admit that this coun- try is leading the world in a mad dash to another universal slaughter. That immediate , preparations. for this war are under way is demon- strated by the great “preparedness mobilization” planned by the War Department of the U. S. Government for September. Memory is not so short that the “preparedness parades” of 1916 are forgotten, nor the fact that within a year millions of work- ers were being shipped to the firing lines across the ocean to protect the dollars of Morgan and company. And Morgan’s stakes are now billions more than before. Beware the Fake Pacifists. The working class must fight against the threatening war. The working class has always «been op- posed to war. But it has always been led helplessly into it. Why? Because the anti-war sentiment of the work- ers has been diverted by the agents of capitalism, by the middle-class pa- cifists, by the trade union bureau- crats, who pretend to be against war Beware of the Champions of Honesty By J. LOUIS ENGDAHL. VEN the socialist and labor press has its pen prostitutes. That is the conviction that forms itself the quick- est as we read an editorial in Victor Berger's Milwaukee Leader, and go thru an article in “Justice,” the official organ of the International Ladies’ Gar- ment Workers’ Union. Since John M. Work, former nation- al secretary of the socialist party, is the editorial writer of Berger’s paper, we take it that the editorial, “Common and Uncommon Honesty,” which is an attack on the Communists, was writ- ten by him. The article in Justice, with the head- ing, “Working Together,” appears un- der the name of Norman Thomas, and is also given over in great part to slandering the Communists, not only in this, but in other countries. ee Not of the Working Class. Neither Work nor Thomas have ever been a part of the working class. Work was a lawyer and first gained prominence as a speaker and writer in the socialist movement, He went to Berger’s “Leader” during the war, and, like a“faithful slave, carries out all of Berger's editorial policies, even to the flow of malicious lies against the Communists. The outlook of the ex-lawyer, Work, may well be ex- pressed in the sentence to be found in the state platform recently adopted by the Wisconsin socialists, declaring that “Honesty was never at such a low ebb as now,” and again, “The so- cialist party has stood honestly . . . in peace and in war.” Work and the socialists are for honesty. And, of course, the Com- munists are dishonest. Which, trans- lated, means, so far as we are able to, learn, thi Mr. Work and his friends wouldn't do a thing, for all the world, to shock anyone under this capitalist social system, while the Communists are always doing the shocking things. Mr. Work contends that this honesty business constitutes one of the “essential differences ‘be- tween the socialists and the Commun- ists.” ‘\ ¢ 6,4 They Worm to the Front. Now for the Reverend Thomas just a moment. Work was a lawyer. Thomas was, and perhaps still is, a preacher. Like Work, however, he graduated and became an editor. The writers and speakers, no matter whether lawyers or preachers, always manage to worm themselves to the front in a working class movement. While flirting with the pink edges of the class struggle, Thomas has been or is associated editorially with such bourgeois sheets as The World Tomorrow and The Nation. He was one of those selected to show the workers in New York City how to run a daily paper when the socialist daily, The Call, became The Leader. Its un- timely end is now history, The trou- ble with The New York Leader was that it did not have a Victor Berger to drum up department store adver- tising. Otherwise it might have de- veloped into a parallel to any capital- ist rag, just like its Milwaukee name- sake. Thus, while John M. Work still has a daily in which to attack the Com- munists, the Reverend Thomas must peddle his wares, elsewhere, in this instance in the notoriously anti-Com- munist mouthpiece of the dictatorial Sigman regime in the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union. a Workers Know the Brand. Such is the background of this Work-Thomas alliance against Com- munism, Class conscious workers and farmers are well acquainted with this lawyer-preacher combination, It was in the meetings of the Ar- rangements Committee for the Nation- al Farmer-Labor Convention at St. Paulthat William Bouck, head of the Western Progressive Farmers, and the Farmer-Labor candidate for the in order the the workers ini Recall the stimulated anti-war statements of the officials of the American Federation of Labor, head- ed by Gompers, during 1916. It was by these very means that the work- ers were mobilized for the war less than a year later. These same trade union bureaucrats became the recruit- ing sergeants for the army, they be- came the spies of the Army Intelli- gence Bureau, they became inform- ers upon their own membership to the government war machine. They became liberty bond salesmen to force the union members fo finance the war out of their meagre earnings. They used the anti-war cloak to be- tray the workers into the war. The same thing will be attempted again. History is already repeating itself in this respect in Europe, where the Amsterdam International, up of men Who participated in the war governments of their respective countries, are crying aloud over the dangers of war, while they prepare to again deliver the European work- ore thoroly to betray the slaughter. made seem to make that desirable. war, advise these treacherous “lead- ers” of labor, deliver yeurselt to the war-makers! ie Class Struggle Necessary. There is but one effective war against war, and that is the war against the war-makers, against the capitalists, against the capitalist dic-|) tatorship. The class struggle is the very basis of any effective action against imperialist wars. Here is the reason why the pacifists turn out to be, in reality, lieutenants of the militarists. Silly preachings of non-resistance, of social peace, of “humanity,” of the evils of class struggle, all serve to weaken the working class. Insofar as the work- ing class is weak, the war-mak- ing capitalist class is strong. And being Strong, it throws the workers into battle one group against the oth- er, whenever its greed or.its profits Nothing can cause the capitalist | class to shrink back from war except | the threat of a proletarian revolution. And nothing can really prevent that war, except the carrying thru of such a revolution. ers to the war-machine. How are the Amsterdam union leaders, and the Gomperses of Ameri- ca, preparing for the next war? They ery out against it, and they say: “Put your trust in the League of Nations.’ But the League of Nations consists of precisely those same governments from whom warthreatens! To avoid There is war in khe air. War in the Far East, over the Asiatic mar-| kets; war, in the Baikans, over the spoils of the last war; war in Europe, war in South America, war all over the world, threatens while the capi- talists continue to rple. The only answer to the threat of | Vice-Presidency, declared that he hoped the day would come when law- yers would be barred from represent- ing the workers and farmers any- where. And the whole audience, with the exception of the lawyers, applaud- ed, 7 2 © The “Essential” Difference. The ‘specific complaint of Work and Thomas against the Communists is that the Communists are not “hon- est.” In the former’s Milwaukee Lead- er it is charged that “Deception is part of Communist tactics,” while, on the other hand, it claims, “The so- cialists are open and above board.” This is particularly silly piffle since no proof is offered in support of the fantastic charges made. Thomas goes to greater lengths in his article charg- with the German Communists and the revolution one million per cent. Thomas is worried about the reaction- ary German trade union bureaucracy which coincides with the bureaucracy of the German Social Democratic Par- ty. Very well! It was the “honest” Social-Demo- cratic press of Germany that com- pletely suppressed that part of a speech by Herr Stresemann, ex-Chan- cellor and now Foreign Minister of Germany, who, speaking on arch 30th, at the conference of the Ger- man People’s Party (Big Industrial- ists), gave a remarkable exposure, from the bourgeois point of view, of the true role of the German Social Democrats, the friends of Work and Thomas. We get this extract from Strese- mann’s speech from the Labor Month- ing that The 7. Fahne, official or- gan of the German Communist Party, had. advised Communist officials in the trade unions to sign a pledge demand- ed by the reactionary officials declar- ing that they will “act in their duties as trade union officials in accordanc with the rules and regulations of the trade union congress rather than of the Communist or any other political ents This pledge was an effort to blacklist the Communists. Experi- ence has shown it would never be used against the socialist or other anti-Communists. Thomas, of course, upholds this espionage system of the reactionary trade union bureaucracy in Germany. To uphold it and betray the workers, throwing them bleeding and helpless into the hands of German capitalism-— THAT IS HONEST. Cowards did not fight the bosses’ espionage act during the war, in this country, yet they became the 100 per centers, the honest citizens. And the espionage acts of the lieutenants of capitalism in the trade unions, are no different than the espionage acts of capitalism itself. And Germany is no different than the United States. se © “Yellow Dog” Oppression. The “yellow dog” pledge of the German labor bureaucracy is on a par with the “yellow dog” contracts that the open shoppers in this country hand to workers seeking employment. In order to be real honest and up- right, Work and Thomas would have job hunters on the slave market tell every prospective boss his whole past history, even that he had been or still is a union member. The worker, of course, would never get a job, he would starve to death, but “By Gawd!” he would still retain his sacred “HONESTY!” undefiled. ee The Champions of Honesty! It would be well to point out who these champions of “honesty” really are-and what they stand for. We are, like Thomas, very much concerned with the German situation, We are No 8-Hour Law Here. To the Daily Worker:—I came here a few weeks ago from Massachusetts, where we are regarded as Stand Pat- ters. But to my surprise it seems that Massachusetts is far ahead of Mlinois in many ways, In Massachu- setts there is a law regulating the working hours of women and minors, If such a law is in Illinois it isn’t) enforced. “I’ve read The DAILY WORKER in Massachusetts and of course read it here. The capitalists cry how hard they had to work for their money, and of course what they possess is justly theirs, Why don’t you show them up by printing articles from Myers’ “The Origin of the American Fortunes.” I'd like to see the DAILY WORKER i THE VIEWS OF OUR READERS ON LIFE, LABOR, INDUSTRY, POLITICS ly, an estimable British publication edited by R. Palme Dutt. In his speech Stresemann said: “The chief successes of the Social- Democratic participation in my cab- inet were that, with the approval of the Social-Democrats, | managed to secure the return of the Crown Prince of Germany; that it was pos- sible for me, again with the approv- al of the Social-Democrats, to in- flict a military defeat on the Com- munists in Saxony and Thuringia, and this defeat, in its turn, has cleared the way for the abolition, without any resistance, of the eight- hour day and the so-called ‘con- quests of the revolution’ . . « My collaboration with the Social-Demo- crats has therefore been fruitful. That we were able to overthrow the Saxon and Thuringian governments was simply due to the fact that the Social-Democrats gave their approv- al to this military action, and con- sequently, we had to face not a unit- ed front of workers’ forces, BUT THE COMMUNISTS ALONE.” e8.¢ They Must Be Proud. John M. Work and Norman Thomas must be proud to,be associated with this agency of thé counter-revolution —the German Social-Democracy. Work and ‘Thomas, in their small and insignificant way, as well as Ebert and Scheidemann, made it possible for the Crown Prince to return to Germany. * You, Work and Thomas, are also re- sponsible, with your German counter- parts, for the drowning in blood of the Workers’ Revolution in Saxony and Thuringia. You helped drown in blood the con- quests of the German workers’ revo- lution. And in the hour of struggle the Com- munists stood reg 7 When you an of “honesty,” Mr. Work and Mr. Thomas, look at the warm blood of the workers that red- dens your hands. " become a great daily. You certainly aré doing. all possible. Wishing you success, yours for a Workers and Farmers’ Republic. ‘ R. Ss. L. THE COMMUNISTS By a Russian Comrade Marshfield Junior Groups. The Communists are comrades to you, (workingman), The Communists are comrades to me, (workingman), The Communists are comrades to all humanity. The Washington local of the Work- ers’ Party of America, requests the presence of colored people who are interested in their Race, at any of their meetings, Labor Lyceum, 1337 Seventh St., N. W., Voteless Capital, Teapot Dome Community. Monday, July 7, 1924 By Earl R. Browder war is to make war upon the capi- talist system, to prepare the work- ing class for its historic task, the overthrowal of the bourgeoisie and the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship. AS WE SEE IT By T. J. O'FLAHERTY Twenty years ago, William Jennings Bryan was expressing the opinion that Robert Marion LaFollette should get out of the Republican party. “Fight- in’ Bob” was even then claiming to be @ progressive, tho he continued on terms of friendship with some of the staunchest reactionaries in the G. 0, |P., among the number being Boies Penrose. LaFollette is still in the Republican party and evidently in- tends to stay there unless Hell and Maria Dawes uses the broom of ’76 on him, That is “Bob’s’ emblem, s 6 8 Denmark has appointed an ambassa- dor. One by one the die-hard govern- jments ‘that hoped for a successful counter-revolution in Soviet Russia have thrown up the sponge. Almost every country in Europe that can af- ford to pay a minister's fare to the Soviet capital has now recognized the Workers Republic. France is the only / outstanding exception, but recognition jfrom that quarter is expected daily. The little agreement between our whiskered Mr. Hughes and the goateed Mr. Poincare became a scrap of paper in the political debacle, and tho conversations are still in order be- tween Paris and Washington, it is not probable that Herriot, elected on a platform that included recognition of Soviet Russia, can retain his political head and hold Hughes’ esteem at the same time. eee The regent of Abyssinia, by name Ras Taffari, eats his meat raw. He is now in London, accompanied by a flock of princes, who presumably have the same culinary tastes as their lead- er. The regent has already visited France and Italy. His object in visit- ing those countries is to see if he could not learn something from them that could be put to the advantage of his native country. We do not know whether the Abyssinian gentleman is particular about his raw meat, but if he is We sincerely hope he gets hun- gry when he is received by Mr. Ram- say MacDonald and the Archbishop of Canterbury. eee Andrew Mellon, bootlegger extraor- dinary to the court of “Cal” Coolidge, is on his way to London to attend a convention. We drag Andrew into the picture simply because another boot- legger, engaged ,with Andrew in the favorite American sport of making money without working hard for it, is fitting himself out for a prolonged so- journ in Atlanta, Andy's unfortunate pal is Gaston B. Means, a man referred to by William J. Burns as one of the greatest living detectives. Mellon, besides being a bootlegger, is secre- tary of the United States treasury as a sideline. The late Mr. Harding em- ployed Means to “get” Mellon. Then all the bigger crooks turned on Means and got him. eee It is almost worth comment that the name of the notorious “defective,” William J. Burns, has not appeared in the press for quite some time. Does this mean that we will not have our monthly elucidation of the Wall Street bomb mystery any more? If he has any originality he might put it to good use now trying to dig up a candidate for the Democratic party who is neither a wet nor a dry, a Catholic nor a Protestant, nor on the staff of one of the oil companies. If success- ful, a grateful Democracy might put him back on his job. **#e Premier Herriot may desire to go easy on the Ruhr, but those who own France will have their pound of flesh no matter who is in office. The French chief went to England for a conference with Ramsay MacDonald, and the latter, under the guise of pacifism and a desire to bring about the stabilization of Europe, was at- tempting to put something over on France to the advantage of England. When Herriot returned to Paris the agents of the trusts almost tore out his eyes. “What,” they shrieked, “accept the Dawes plan except as a means of getting money? We will take all the money we can, but get out of the Ruhr—nothing doing.” And Herriot solemnly assured his masters that he had no intention of whittling down the guarantees that French “honor” demanded. Those “radicals.” Ramsay MacDonald, the Sociglist-pacifist, shoots down Hin- doos, builds battleships, breaks strikes, Herriot, the liberal, breaks his word on Soviet recognition, fol lows Poincare's policy in the Ruhr, and—well, the worst is yet to come cs N Won't Help Children, ATLANTA, Ga., July 6—The sec ond state to act on the child labo amendment passed by cougress seem: on the way to rejecting the lead. Thi lower house of the Georgia legislature by a vote of 170 to 3, has voted it: disapproval of a move that wouk possibly lead to limitation of the grea exploitation of child workers ve 7 cotton and textile state,