The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 28, 1924, Page 4

i Page Four THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. \ (Phone: Monroe 4712) / SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.60....6 months $2.00....3 months By mail (in Chicago only): \ $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 montus $6.00 per year 3 $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE. DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, Illinois J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB .Editors Business Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. <=> 250 Advertising rates on application. Reaction vs. Timidity Workers in Minnesota are in the unfortunate position of having to choose, in the senatorial election of that state, between Tom Schall, a black reactionary nominated by the Republicans, and the timid tho loud-voiced Magnus Johnson, sup- posed to represent the Farmer-Labor party, but more conservative than LaFollette himself. Party discipline, without which the~building of a strong organization is impossible, demands that Magnus Johnson receive full support as against the reactionary Schall. The latter is one of the Old Guard of the corrupt and reactionary Republican organization. He is openly and avowedly the enemy of every measure calculated to assist and to organize the workers and farm- ers. He is a tool in the hands of the gang that manipulates congress and the administration in the interests of Wall Street. But let us be under no illusions about Magnus Johnson. While all possible votes must be mus- tered against the old party candidate, and the Farmer-Labor party must be united and strong in the election, we must recognize and we must state openly, that Magnus Johnson is a timid pussyfooter. He is bound to disappoint the work- ers and farmers who put him into office. Not be- cause he will fail to obtain any relief for them— the best fighter in the world would refuse to guar- antee results from the word battles in a capitalist senate—but because he will’ not even put up a fight for the things that are necessary. Johnson avoided the June 17 convention, organ- ized to put the Farmer-Labor party into the field on a national scale. That was an intolerable weakness. Johnson, fraternizes socially with the enemies of the farmers. He roars like a lion in campaigning thru Minnesota, but coos like a dove in Washington, where the roars might mean some- ~ “thimty. Jolinson will fail the workers and farmers. He must be supported only because he is on the ticket of the Farmer-Labor party that must be built up into a strong and fighting organization. Helping the Farmers Both the Republican and Democratic parties agree that the farmers must be given assistance. Both are burning with love for the tiller of the soil; each has a remedy for his ills; and those rem- edies are strangely similar. The farmer is to be = saved by means of the tariff! The democrats know how to do it—revise the tariff downward on those things that the farmer must buy.. The republicans also have the solution—revise the tariff upward on those things the farmers sell. Tinker with the tariff, exhort the farmers to co- operate more and change their crops, give them more bankers to put more mortgages on their farms—these are acceptable measures to both old parties to “assist” the farmers. But do not touch the private ownership of railroads, which takes a big slice out of the farmers’ produce; do not in- terfere with the mortgages, which drains the farm- ers’ blood to Wall Street and coins it into vast incomes; do not touch the giant grain trusts, that monopolize the home market and gamble in the world market. Whatever happens, the sacred pri- vate property of big business must be preserved, eyen if every farmer in the land loses his own little private property. If the farmers want help, they must get it them- selves in alliance with the workitg class in’ the cities, in a class party pledged to overthrow the whole robber system of capitalism. LaF ollette and the Farmers _ The program for farm relief, forecast in state- ments to the press, to be presented to the Cleve- md meeting of the Conference for Progressive litical Action as the LaFollette program, is but @ dressed-up version of the Republican and Demo- eratic party declarations. It calls for tariff tin- ing, manipulation of freight rates without ching private capital, co-operative marketing, ‘and “bust the trusts.” It carefully avoids touch- ing the ree! problem of the farmers, the mount- ing mortgages, tenuntry, dispossession, and gen- eral bankruptey. __ The key to LaFollette’s position is stated in the “news dispatches, which say: “The LaFollette men want to offer asssitance to the farmers, but do not _ want to pledge the proposed new party to social- istic scheme of government aid to farmers.” In short, Lafollette will not agree that any action be ‘proposed that would touch the “sacred private property” of the Wall Street usurers, property _ stolen bit by bit thru the exploitation pf city and ral workers. LaFollette is for thé Farmers, 4 poe Getting “Harmony” at Cleveland Great minds are making the™arrangements for the Cleveland Conference for Progressive Political Action. They aré determined to have harmony. The program announced for the gathering shows it. For example: Prayers will be offered by Bishop McConnell of the Methodist church, Archbishop Shrembs of the Catholic church, and Rabbi Silva. What chance is there here for charges of discrimination? Everybody can feel that his spirituat interests are taken care of, except perhaps the disciples of Bishop Brown. The political speakers invited to address the meeting show a similar wide range: Frazier of the Republican party, Shipstead of Farmer-Labor, Keating the Democrat, and Rawleigh of the La- Follette-for-President club. True, the Socialists have been shoved aside, because no longer needed, and then they will have to like it anyway, since they have unconditionally surrendered to the Cc. P. P. A. So harmony is guaranteed in this respect also. The only danger to the harmony of the Cleve- land conference, in fact, is the danger that some real worker or farmer may slip into the meet- ing. That would be bad, for he might speak up and demand a real Farmer-Labor party be formed, which would really cut its ties with the capitalist parties and make a fight for the interests of the workers and farmers. That has been guarded against by eliminating all local union delegates and seating only officials and bureaucrats. But it would be disastrous if there should be any slip- up on this. We suggest that the credential com- mittee examine every delegate, and exclude all those in advance who will not pledge themselves to speak and vote against the ;Farmer-Labor party. That would really represent the attitude of the C. P. P. A. sf ~ _ Hughes’ Secret Diplomacy A dispatch from Washington to the DAILY WORKER charges that the new prime minister of France, Herriot, has been forced to abandon his announced intention of moving for the imme- diate recognition of Soviet Russia, by means of a secret agreement arrived at between Poincare and Secretary of State Hughes. Secret diplomacy, finding its source in Wall Street and Washington, is more than ever ruling the capitalist world. In our fake “democracy,” which is really but a poor cover for the most brazen capitalist dictatorship in the world, a small group of lackeys of big business, prevents the re-establishment of relations with Russia, not only for the United States, but also for France thru pressure of the latter’s debts. Meanwhile the theoretical sovereigns of Amer- ica, the poor boobs who think they rule by voting for Coolidgegor McAdoo, are being thrown out of work because industry is in a crisis, while Russia wants to place great orders with our industries. The farmers find Russian grain flooding the mar- kets, while Russia asks for a chance to arrange conferences to r@gulate this matter. The capital- ist masters of America, in their hatred of the workers and farmers’ government of Russia, ig- nore every interest of the workers and farmers of America. With their secret diplomacy and in- trigue they rush the world onward. toward another war, and plunge the toiling masses of this coun- try into greater misery. Taking the Initiative Duncan McDonald, candidate for president of the United States on the Farmer-Labor party ticket, will fire the first gun in the campaign when he speaks in Chicago the night of July 2. of more than ordinary significance that McDon- ald and the Farmer-Labor party takes the initia- tive; it symbolizes the entire political line-up. All the ‘other parties ‘and candidates have something fundamental in common—they all stand for the capitalist system. They are care- fully maneuvering for position to receive as much support as -possible from the different strata of the bourgeoisie. From Coolidge to LaFollette, they must step cautiously, in order not to alienate any support. McDonald, on the contrary, has a straight out and clear-cut issue—he is the candi- date of the working class, industrial and agricul- tural. He need not pussyfoot one moment. So the Farmer-Labor party takes the initiative in the electoral struggle. Challenging the com- bined forces of capitalism, Duncan McDonald will begin the mobilization of the workers of the na- tion, beginning July 2 in Chicago, and continu- ing thruout the land! without interruption until the balloting is over in November. And then the battle will have just been well begun. For the Fartner-Labor party is not a mere electoral machine to work for votes this year. It is the beginning of the class organization that will fight every day, every week, and every year, in congress, in legislatures, and in elections, as well as outside these institutions of the capitalist class, in the unions, in demonstrations, in the building up of a great working class press, in mobilizing the workers and farmers and organ- izing every phase of their political and industrial power, in preparation for taking over control of society. , i It is reported that Coolidge’s running mate. ffell ’n Maria, is also connected with the oil game thru a brother, Beman G. Dawes, head of the Pure Oil company, in which Harry Daugherty is also a ytockholder. It’s all one big family! Send in that Subscription Today. ‘|tional Farmer-Labor Party, THE DAILY WORKE By WM. Z. FOSTER. Paul, which founded the new Na- suffered attacks, from many directions. The capitalist press assailed it as no other gathering has been assailed for many years, The labor reactionaries of the Conference for Progressive Po- litical Action also took a crack at it thru their official journal, Labor. Then old Gompers, following his usual method of trying to destroy everything progressive, poured out a torrent of slander against it.. But the worst at- tack of all came from LaFoliette, the pseudo-progressive, His attack was most unscrupulous and had more of a detrimental effect upon the conven- tion than any other. The world has been told that the reason for LaFollette’s attack was his determination not to be linked up with the Communists. But this’ is merely a@ surface excuse. Tho real explana- tion lies deeper. It is true that LaFol- lette wants nothing to do with -t Communists. He is not a revolution- ist, but a staunch sustainer of capi- talism. He does not want to abolish private ownership of the basic indus- tries, but to perpetuate it. He merely wants to reform capitalism by remov- ing a few of what he calls abuses by the privileged class. Thus he naturally comes into head-on collision with the Communist program, which demands the abolition of capitalism root and branch, and inevitably he finds him- self constantly in open conflict with the Communists. But in order to fight the Communists in St. Paul, he had no need to attempt to destroy the con- vention itself. All he had to do was to flood the convention with delegates. ~|He could Have poured hundreds if not thousands of them into the convention and made his group master of the situation. Then he could have either refused seats to the Workers Party delegates or, if the Communists had them to accomplish anything. But he did not adopt this obviously logical course. He tried to blow up the con- vention altogether. LaFollette’s assault upon the con- vention was made not primarily to de- tach himself from the Communists, but to destroy the movement center- ing in the St. Paul gathering. He did not dare to flood the convention with delegates, for this could not have, ac- complished his full purpose. It igs been admitted, made it impossible for | R quite probable that by such a course »}he could have cleared the convention HE June 17th Convention in St. ganization while the LaFoilette move- of the Workers Party official delega- tion. In all likelihood he could also have secured the adoption of a milk- and-water program to his own liking. But there was something else at the convention that he cotild not possibly have got rid of, and to which he is violently opposed. This was the idea of forming a national party of indus- trial workers and exploited farmers. During the past few years this idea has made tremendous headway among the poor farmers and the workers in the industries. But it is a project anathema to LaFollette, with his timid policy of middle class reform. No mat- ter how heavily he had watered the St. Paul convention with delegates, he could not have drowned out this idea, which runs so counter to his plans. The St. Paul convention, in any event, was bound to give expres- sion to the Farmer-Labor party move- ment upon a national scale and to lay the basis for an organization. Hence, for LaFollette, there was nothing else to do but to destroy it and to steer as much of the movement as possible to the Cleveland conference on July 4th, where the sentiment for a Farmer: Labor Party will Pe quietly and ex- peditiously assassinated by LaFollette and his bureaucratic trade union aids. LaFollette’s big blow against the St. Paul convention was really directed against the Farmer-Labor Party move- ment as such, and he carried it out with as little scruple as was shown by any of the big capitalistic interests which térned their guns upon the con- vention. The LaFollette and Farmer-Labor Party movements are rival move- ments, even where the latter takes on the most conservative forms. This is because they have difterent objectives. The Farmer-Labor Party movement, however, weakly and timidly it may manifest itself, and even tho it may include considerable sections of the jpetty bourgeoisie, is nevertheless es- |sentially a break with the old capital- ist parties and an effort to sot up a new political organization. The La Follette movement, on the other hand, is not such a break. It still clings to the old parties, maintaining a thous- and connections with them. It lacks the courage and initative to make a real break and to start a battle for a separate organization of its own. Leaving aside the matter of the natur- ally greater radicalism and keener class consciousness of the Farmer-La- bor party movement, the fact that the latter is consciously striving for an or- ment is not, is sufficient to throw the two movements into opposition all along the line, LeFollette’s attempted destruction of the St. Paul convention was only one skirmish in the ‘war that is developing everywhere, The LaFollette movement envisages more than merely the nomination of the Wisconsin Messiah and an ardent Disciple for President and Vice Presi- dent of the United States. It also con- templates the placing of state tickets in all the states where the, movement is able to muster sufficient strength. It is over these state tickets that the greatest clash on the organization question will occur between the La Follette movement and the Farmer-La- bor Party movement, entirely aside from the question of program, etc. La Follette and his lieutenants have as their objective the scaring up of the greatest possible number of votes for their program of petty bourgeois re- form. They want quick results. They calculate that .the best way to ac- complish them in the several states is by endorsing candidates on the old party tickets or by setting up inde- pendents, as their opportunistic po- licy may dictate. On the other hand, the Farmer-Labor.parties in the var- ious states:are bound to set up tickets of their own. This is true whether they are radical or congervative in their makeup. .Thus, even in states where the conservative farmer-labor parties may endorse LaFollette, they will find themselves in open rivalry with his state movements. The only places where such rivalry will not develop in an organizational sense is where, the Farmer-Labor party is strong enough to deliver more votes he could possibly get thru an inde- pendent movement. In such few cases, as for example in Minnesota, he will probably accept and support the whole Farmer-Labor Party ticket. But else- where his movement will enter into open competition with the Farmer-La- bor Party movement and knife its can- didates on behalf of his own non- descript independents and old party progressives. The fact that weak Farmer-Labor parties, which thus find themselves attacked by LaFollette, may be conservative in character and endorse LaFollette nationally will not save them. The shapeless LaFol- lette movement tends distinctly to liquidate the budding Farmer-Labor Party movement. Of course LaFol- lette will fight the radical new Na- tional Farmer-Labor Party every- where, nationally and locally. to LaFollette and his state ticket than'| Saturday, June 28, 1924 LaFollette vs. the Farmer-Labor Party The LaFollette movement is a men ace to the Farmer-Labor Party move ment. The worst feature of the situa tion is that the leaders of the Farmer Labor party movement, those of the “progressive” brand, do not realize this fact. They are perfectly willing, apparently, to give up all thought of organizing a party “and to jump on the LaFollette band wagon. In the coming months when LaFollette be gins to set up his independent and old party candidates in the various states, we may look for many of these prog- ressives who now claim to be such ardent advocates of the Farmer-Labor Party, to cut their organizations to pieces at the behest of LaFollette. Already, by their refusal to partici- pate in the St. Paul convention, they have shown how lightly they hold the organization of the Farmer- Labor Party and how willing they are to cast the whole project over- board when their Moses tells them to do 50. \ i In this situation thé new National Farmer-Labor Party, formed at the June 17th convention, occupies a very strategic position. It is the s serious representative and crystalli tior of the Farmer-Labor Party idea. The old Fitzpatrick Farmer-Labor Party has blown up and disappeared; the socialistic American Labor Party mever did amount to anything; and the conservative Farmer-Labor Party movements in the various states are showing a strong tendency to liquidate themselves in the shapeless and hostile LaFollette movement. One of the greatest tasks. of the new party will be to carry forward the labor par- ty idea, in these days when it is so attacked from all sides. This it will accomplish by rallying around itself all those conscious elements among the workers and fatmers who realize that the building of a genuine political party of industrial workers and ex- ploited farmers in incomparably more important than trailing along in the train of any politician, especially that of the ambitious petty-bourgeois, La Follette. Thruout the country unques- tionably there are large masses of toilers who understand the necessity for a definite organization, as against the glittering promises of opportun- istic politicians. These will assemble in the National Farmer-Labor Party, which is destined to play a significant role in the coming campaign. Every © believer in the .Farmer-Labor Party idea will rally to the support of the new party, which is the sole defender of that idea, against the liquidating tendency of the LaFollette movement, GOMPERS ASKS EMPTY PLATFORM PROMISES FROM CONVENTION BUT ~ DONKEYS ARE HARD OF HEARING as Doheny’s lawyer by a bid for labor support, the A. F. of L. chiefs are expected to get more promises in New York than in Gleveland. McAdoo, to chetk the swing of the railroad brotherhoods to LaFollette, promises to stand for repeal of the transportation law. Smith, with the jindorsement of the New York State |Federation of Labor officials, wants ‘the party to give enough sops to labor It is|without endangering the employing | jinterests who are his financial on ing difficulty with the politicians, the | ers. Elimination of the injunction in strike disputes is an important labor plank which the Democrats are ex- WHY CAPITALISTS HAVE MORE THAN WORKERS. By Tilie Lurge, 11 years old. Educational Director, Marshfield Junior Group. The capitalists have more than workers because they rob them. By robbing I mean the capitalist takes everything away from our fathers and mothers. They do not pay them for what they make. Sometimes they. get half the wages they deserve. The big capitalists have thousands of workers working for them, By rob- — The grape fruit is.so juicy, By LUDWELL DENNY (Staff Correspondent of The Federated Press) NEW YORK, June 27.—After failing to break thru the reac- tionary ring at’ Cleveland which kept their planks out of the Republican platform, American Federation of Labor officials}For the child’s life isn’t worth a dime; headed by President Samuel Gompers are fighting another losing battle with the Democratic convention in New York. But with the McAdoo forces trying to cover-up McAdoo’s record ————————— pected to turn down. But they may j accept the plank promising better wages to federal employes, and so rap | Coolldae's unpopular veto of the bill |raising postal workers’ pay. Gomp- ers’ demand for revision of the pro- hibition law to permit beer and wines j will be determined by the big fight be- ‘tween McAdoo and Smith and the \drys and wets regardless of the A. IF. of L. While A. F. of L. officials are hav- National Association of Manufactur- ers officials have no trouble in get- ting the attention of committees and delegates, bing every fworker of part of his wages, he sdon has so much money. Many times [people say: “Don’t the boss work for his money?” Our an- swer is: “Would he have so much money if he alone would work?” No, Our parents work too, but they have not got even one one-hundredth of what the rich men have. This proves thet the rich man gets his money by robbing the workers. Most. of the workers think the wages they get are enough for them, but if they were in the Junior Group UNCLE WIGGILY'’S TRICKS when they were small they would make a strike and get what belongs to them. All you juniors get busy and wake up your fathers and mothers and friends. Let's help fight for the workers’ rights and make a Farmers and Work- ers’ government. CHILD LABOR Child labof is a crime The child slaves feverishly for the boss While its ith and joy are at a loss. Only thé’Communists can demand The gripping clutch of the bosses’ hand Be taken off the child’s self, For the boss has plenty of pelf 4 Which is concentrated in only him- self. By Thelma Kahn Organizer, Marshfield Junior Group. The Poor Fish Says: That it is funny that fishes who have sense enough to stay in the ocean and keep cool could hear the poor fishes in Madison Square Garden called Poor Fishes. Italy Registers Big Quake. FAENZA, Italy, June 27.—The mograph at Bendani’s observatory here registered a four-hour earth- quake yesterday, approximately 11,000 kilometres from here. The earth- quake was the strongest ever récord- ed, the nedtffs being broken by the tremors. It tickled Nurse dane in the P RETESS Our Daily Pattern EVER SEASONABLE ' STYLE 3971, The apron and house : are now considered an essential/ in every women’s wardrobe. Surely the model here portrayed will be much admired for its gracefue lines and at- tractive pocket. As a porch “dress” or for garden and kitchen, this style will be very satisfactory. The Pattern is cut in 4 Sizes: Small, 34-36; Medium, 38-40; Large, 42-44; Extra Large, 46-48 inches bust A POPULAR at the foot is about 2 yards. _ Pattern mailed to any address on receipt of 12c in silver or stamps. Send 12c in silver or stamps for UP-TO-DATE SPRING & SUMM 1924 BOOK OF FASHIONS. - The Daily Worker, 111% 'W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, Hl, A LAUGH FOR THE CHILDREN ahd the , Beerameee! } ty ‘ rs) nf y| p