The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 20, 1924, Page 6

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Page Six THE DAILY WORKER THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1113: W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 months By mail (in Chicago only): $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 montis $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Blvd. Chicago, Illinois J. LOUIS ENGDAHL ) WILLIAM F. DUNNE) MORITZ J. LOEB... Editors jusiness Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. <> 220 Advertising rates on application. The Hand of Morgan J. P. Morgan must be a busy man. His lackey “Fell and Maria Dawes” has just been shoved into the Republican. vice-presidency nomination with Morgan gold. Morgan has Belgium, France and other foreign countries by the throat. But Mor- gan, like a true patriot, does not neglect his native land. Morgan is the dominant stock-holder in ‘the General Electric company, and controls the Ameri- ean Telegraph and. Telephone company, which is the Bell telephone system. The Western Electric company is the supply department of the Bell Tel- ephone company, and Morgan controls the Western Electric company. Tomorrow the DAILY WORKER reporter goes on trial in Cicero, “Western Electric Town.” The law courts will see the unique spectacle of an as- sistant state’s attorney, Frank Moutaocik, prose- euting a disorderly conduct charge before a justice of the peace. Workers declare that the Western Electric offi- cials have given orders that any employe caught reading the DAILY WORKER inside the plant will be immediately dismissed. ‘Wherever the workers begin to wake up and agi- tate for a union—wherever the Morgan company union, co-operation bunk is shown up as a means of keeping out a real union—of raising the workers standard of living—there will be found the hands of the Morgans, the Crowes and the corporation officials. The Missing Link The Chicago Tribune regrets that the platform on which the corpulent G. 0. P., will: stand on,in the next election campaign has missed a plank calling attention to the injunction evil. Had such a Plamieeheen included “labor support would have been more definitely secured,” says the organ of Big Business. ‘We never expect a sense of honor from a cap- italist paper but one is justified in.expecting that an occasional flash of humor might enter the brain of the hired hack who turns his master’s ideas into editorials. One might as well expect'a prosperous bootleg- ger to join the Anti-Volstead League, or a holdup man to favor the arming of all civilians as to ex- pect the anti-labor injunction experts who wrote the republican platform to wallop the injunction. No, Mr. Tribune, the workers are easily enough fooled and many of them will vote for the Coolidge- Dawes strikebreaking ticket, but they are learning fast, both from their experience with the two in- junction parties of capitalism, democratic and re- publican, and from the propaganda of such pa- pers as the DAILY WORKER that there is no hope -for them in either party, and the seductive promises made to them by those parties before election will no longer prevent them from causing their lot with their own party, the Farmer-Labor party. Ford’s Philanthropy Office employes and executives of the Ford Motor Company in Detroit will go without their custom- ary two week’s vacation this year. Instead they will have Saturday off for twelve weeks. Henry is one of America’s most successful philanthropists. He startled the industrial world several years.ago by putting his plant on a five dollar a day basis. Every worker in his plant did not get five dollars but the papers did not take the trouble to notice that little item. Ford made millions. He speeded up his work- ers, He introduced new efficiency systems. Fliv- vers began to dot the landscape. Henry became so wealthy that he thought he could stop the Eur- opean war. Failing to accomplish that purpose he declared war on the Jews and has not yet sus- pended hostilities, but the Jews are very much alive. That is the kind-of a war we like—a war where nobody gets hurt. Ford’s new scheme now begins to unfold. Henry put his factory employes on a five day basis six weeks ago. His factory employes never had a vacation. Of course they only get paid for five days. * If they can produce as many flivvers in five days as they formerly did in six, there is no good reason, says Henry, why his office force should take longer than five days to supervise production. There is no union among Ford’s employes. Henry can do just as he pleases with them. He is the champion robot maker of the United States and apparently he has entirely escaped the atten- tion of the highly paid organizers of the American Federation of Labor. Henry has established the five day work week with less pay for the work- ers but more profits for Henry. He is a great philanthropist! Kept Press Alarmed If the new class party of farmers and workers isn’t making a ripple in this G. O. P,-Jackassed land it is remarkable that the. leading capitalist papers in the country are watching it thru ‘the eyes of their star scribes. At St. Paul we find ‘the Associated Press and its lesser rivals represented in the press box with a score of reporters for the department-store-advertising-broadsheets. These capitalist scribes are at enormous pains to declare—in one, two and three column articles —that the movement of workers and farmers is in danger of being “captured” by Communists. We never knew before that they were concerned about the workers and farmers. Now they are concerned enough to send out spurious interviews with the temporary chairman and other prominent farmer- labor folks about this terrible danger. Faking interviews is old stuff for the brass check papers. But it doesn’t get over so well any more. The workers and farmers are hep. And all the faking that boss-controlled papers can do about “Reds” cannot change the facts under which the workers have to live. The miners whom Duncan MacDonald told about in his speech are out of work—because of mismanagement by the capital- ists that the brass check represent. The miners know that the same papers that are so devoutly. alarmed at the danger to the farmer- labor movement recently howled for the blood of the Herrin workers who resisted murderous. com- pany gunmen and scabs. The same papers screamed for the rope for the Centralia loggers who shot fascist raiders. The working class wants jobs under decent con- ditions and it wants safety. Those are its mini- mum wants. More and more of the worker-farm- ers want a lot more. They want the full product of their toil. The Teapot Dome capitalist parties can satisfy none of the workers’ wants—beeause no party can serve two classes. So the producers of America have decided to get the government into their own hands. Wall Streets sees this danger to itself. That is why its kept press is on deck at St. Paul in the hope of stemming the tide with a newspaper dam. It can’t be done. The class party is on its way: to power. Determined to Found a Party It has already been demonstrated in the St. Paul convention that the workers and farmers gathered there are determined to firmly establish a party of their own, a class party that will draw the line clearly and sharply against all the capitalist or- ganizations and their henchmen. This was demonstrated when, in the opening speech of temporary chairman, Wm. Mahoney, the convention gave a demonstration to the statement that this gathering was called to lay plans for taking the national government out of the hands of the capitalists and putting it into the hands of the workers. No other point aroused-the emotion of the delegates. It was demonstrated again when Senator Taylor of Montana, elected permanent chairman by an overwhelming vote, declared that this convention should not adjourn until it had formed a class Farmer-Labor party and named its candidates for national offices. The convention rose spontane- ously in cheers to this statement. Again the 700 delegates expressed this determin- ation when it greeted with an oyation the speech of Duncan McDonald, vice-chairman, who declared that no politician who still sat in the councils of the Teapot Dome parties should ‘dominate this con- vention and prevent the formation of a Farmer- Labor party. “If La Follette reproaches us that we are reds, we reply, then you’re a damned yel-|’ low,” said McDonald amid cheers. Time after time, whenever occasion offered, the workers and farmers declared their undying oppo- sition to all the political institutions of capitalism, their determination to tear them down, and their intention to break here, once and for all, with all non-working-class organizations. Hail the battling workers and farmers at St. Paul! May they carry thru their high mission, un- shrinkingly and with a firm hand! On with the struggle against the domination of Wall Street! Unity Since the St. Paul convention opened a deluge of lies was sent out on every capitalist press serv- ice in the country. A split was predicted. There must be a split at all costs. That was the burden of their song. The capitalists wanted the St. Paul convention disrupted at all costs. Why? ‘The question is not difficult to answer. There were gathered there the representatives of the class conscious workers and termets| who were determined that a break must be made 'with the old capitalist parties and a new class Farmer- Labor party organized that will lead the workers to freedom over the ruins of the capitalist system. The St. Paul convention wanted to act now, and not merely talk about what should be done if this or that labor faker or bourgeoise politician was willing. The workers and representatives of the exploited farmers at St. Paul were not waiting for a political Moses, They believed in their own ability to solve their own problems. Had the con- vention been broken up the task of forming a real class Farmer-Labor party would be put off for an- other period and the takers of the ©. P. P. A. could then follow their own sweet will'on July 4, and drag the workers along at the tail of some - geoise politician’s political kite for another period. But the capitalist press is disappointed. There was no split. Instead, there is unity of purpose. The work is going ahead. The workers wanted The Day of Social-Democracy a By ISRAEL AMTER. This is the heyday of Social-De- mocracy. Six years in Germany, sev, eral months in Great Britain, a pro- spective labor government in Den- mark, fill the heart of the leaders of the Social-Democratic parties with joy. In France, the Socialists; in Hungary, the Social-Democrats; in Italy, the right Socialists, are ready to co-operate with the bourgeois govern- ments. This is the “age of recon- struction,” and “the workers must as- sist.’ The six years of Social-Democracy in Germany should have been a warn- ing to the Socialists the world over. These have been six years of defeat and destruction of working class forces. The so-called “workers’ revo- lution” in Germany on November 8, 1918, demonstrated that a “revolu- tion” under the leadership of the So- cial-Democrats is the modern form of capitalist reconstruction. The Social- Democrats demanded and obtained the eight-hour day as compensation for their work. For six years the cap- italists tolerated this measure, and then flung it on the serapheap. Kill 8-Hour Day The Social-Democrats protested and then gave in. To be sure, they did it gracefully; only in specific cases and when conditions demand it for a lim- ited time, will the eight-hour day be sacrificed. But the reparations com- mission stepped in and now the eight- hour day is a forlorn hope, Germany must produce and reduce expenses: these demands will be placed at the door of the workers. The bosses stated in unmistakable tone that they can accept the Dawes report only if the eight-hour day is re- voked. With the destruction of the eight-hour day will begin the capital- ist offensive against the trade unions. The trade union bureaucracy is de- termined to maintain the policy of collaboration; but this collaboration is completely at the expense of the workers. The revolutionary workers are determined not to give up the eight-hour day. This means strug- gle: hence the unions are faced with the alternative of fight or complete submission. Red and Yellow The capitalists will not interfere in the fight; they have their henchmen in the officialdom of the unions— Leipart and Dittman, who are con- ducting the struggle against the rev- olutionary workers: the “trouble- makers” in the unions are being ex- pelled. Gompersism has penetrated the Amsterdam International and the intention is to exclude all Commun- ists and their sympathizers from the trade union movement. At the recent congress of the German textile Work- ers, Gompers’ and is’ methods were in full swing. jentials of opposition delegates were not recog- nied; local officials of the machine were substituted in their place and seated in the convention. Appeals were unavailing; thé machine ruled, screeched, yelled and denounced the Communists and Moscow, and defiant- ly declared that no Communist or op- position would be°tolerated within the ‘union. The fight in the German Metal Workers’ union is in full swing. All over the country the challenge of The Red International is being met with expulsion. The splitting of the move- ment is of no moment to the trade union officialdom, whose motto is col- laboration with the capitalists. Co-operate With Nationalists. Despite howls of protest against the destructive deeds of the Nationalists, the Social-Democrats of Germany are prepared to co-operate with them in running the government. The price will be the further suppression of the workers. In their national elections Communists were arrested on all sides. Parliamentary immunity count- ed for nothing: the danger of a large ‘Communist opposition in the Reich- stag filled Ebert with apprehension. Communist papers were suppressed, meetings forbidden, May Day demon- strations prohibited. “Unity of the people” was to be achieved at the cost of' the working class. France, Eng- land and Belgium demanded it: Amer- ica demanded it. The loan that Ger- many expects depends on it: Germa- ny’s workers are to pay the price, if the social-democrats succeed. MacDonald, the “leader” of the Brit- ish Labor party, sells out one demand of the workers after the other. He, the arch-pacifist, builds cruisers; he, the friend of India, threatens the In- dian revolutionary nationalists with force; he, the friend of the British working class, surrenders the house- ing problem for a proposal of the lib- erals. He is determined to hold to his post, in order to convince the bour- geoisie of Great Britain that the Brit- ish Labor party is capable of assisting in capitalist reconstruction, despite what they had thot to the contrary. He is tolerated in office because the British capitalist is suffering no in- jury at his hands. He was the tool to put across the recognition of ‘Soviet Russia; he is the flunkey to state that Soviet Russia must come to terms with the labor government if she ever hopes to arrange the exist- ing differences, He talks in the same impudent tone as Curzon would have spoken, only to be reproached as a . The British bourgeoisie needs jacDonald for a while longer; when he no longer serves their purpose, he will be overthrown, 2, Lloyd George Again? unity and they were not going to allow the agents| Lloyd George is ashamed of the pol- of the bourgeoisie to disrupt their conyention. — Today there is weeping and wailing and gnash- ing of teeth in the camps of labor's enemies, fes that MacDonald represents. washbuckler that he is, ment was based on a mutual recogni- tion of similar aims—aims that were publicly acknowledged as similar by the ‘British labor leaders, But Mac- Donald, the head of the labor gov- ernment, is faithless even to these aims—consequently Lloyd George is considering the necessity of sending MacDonald home. ’ Meanwhile, the revolt is brewing and consolidating in the ranks of the Labor party. The Clyde members of the party, representatives of revolu- tionary workers, are forced to bear the shame and disgrace that the La- bor government is heaping on the working class of Great Britain. Not yet Communist, not yet imbued with the full spirit of fight, these leaders are not yet filled with the will to start an open fight—to split if neces sary. They have to tolerate the spec- tacle of the head of the labor govern- ment making travesty of the party and of the labor government at the convention of the Independent Labor party—and yet they are not prepared to split. ; And yet all is not wine and honey for the bourgeois labor party leader, MacDonald. Mililons of workers are making demands on the capitalist em- ployers. When MacDonald entered office he faced a strike—and these strikes have continued. The work- ers have not won—against them stood the secret sabotage of the labor gov- ernment, which is determined to in- stall class collaboration and attempt nothing that will jeopardize the exist- ence of the labor government. For MacDonald and his colleagues of the labor party wish to prove to the bour- geoisie that socialism (in the form of the second international) is not such a dreadful thing; and that the work- ers organization in that international are ready to assist in “reconstruction” —even tho such co-operation cost the workers bread. More Strikes in England More strikes are looming—the workers are encouraged to take the step because of the existence of the labor government. No wonder that many a worker has said that when he voted for the Labor party he had no idea that it would act as it has. The workers regarded the Labor party as the organized political expression of the working class of Great Britain. Today he picks up the Daily Herald to read that MacDonald makes com- promise of Labor party principles— in order simply to hold on to office. He wants two years of it: the work- ers of Great Britain may imagine what will remain of so-called Labor party principles at the end of that time. Shortly after taking office Mac- Donald was asked what the connec- tion of the Labor party is to the Ham- burg International. His reply. was most significant: that when the prin- ciples of a British labor government do not coincide with those of the Hamburg International, the party is free to withdraw from the interna- tional. The British Labor party is the backbone of the Hamburg Inter- national—which remains the Second International despite the change of its name. Its absence of principle, its cowardice, its treachery are being compounded year by year. The Ger- man social-democracy and the British Labor party, are showing up the in- ternational to which they belong: an international of collaboration with the bourgeoisie for the further enslave- ment of the working class. Danish Go “Labor” The world is to witness the spec- tacle of another so-called labor gov- ernment. The recent elections in Den- mark resulted in an increase of social- democratic votes. A cabinet is to be constructed by Staunting—a genuine social-democratic ministry, which will teach the Danish workers that the so- cial-democrats will use the same capi- talist methods that the bourbons em- ploy: persuasion, compromise and then force. It is the historical process that the workers into whose minds has been poured bourgeois philosophy cannot turn to the left at once. They must pass thru the illusion of a gov- ernment of “their own,” a government made up of petty-bourgeois leaders (even if once they were genuine work- ers and presumably revolutionary leaders), ,The workers must learn the lessons from their social-demo- cratic leaders, treason and finally turn to the left—to the Communists. The French socialists are not to be outdone in this sport. Altho the French workers have seen thru the hollowness of the French socialist party, the leaders of that party—es- pecially Blum—have been loud in their assertions that Germany was guilty of fomenting the world war and that Germany must pay the full toll of the reparations. They know, as well as the Berlin “Vorwaerts,” the organ of the Social-Democratic party knows, that the reparations will be taken out of the hide of the German workers and that the German bour- geoisie will not pay a single farthing of the billions which alone will “re- store Germany to the comity of na- tions.” They know that the handing over of the railways to a private con- cern and the establishment of a pri- vate bank, with international capital participating in both—and above all the cutting down of expenses and of the state budget, will be at the ex- pense of the workers, Already 800,000 government work- ers have been discharged: more are to follow in their wake. And yet Blum prides himself on his asse.tion at Hamburg at the congress of the Sec- ond International that he took the Lioyd | same stand as the Dawes commission, Georgy was at least frank. The lib-|But this is the day of social-democ- eral toleration of the labor govern- | racy—and all of ties belonging to the Second Interna- tional wish to be.on the bandwagon. Hungary's Horthy The Hungarian social-democrats are of like nature. They are willing to make a pact with the savage govern- ment of Horthy, provided he allows the Hungarian social-democrats,. who are in the emigration, to return to the country. No Communists are includ- ed in their request; they must be treated as traitors. The Italian so- cialists have long entered into collab- oration with Mussolini, The Italian proletariat gave them the answer at the polls this month. Their vote was cut in half, the revolutionary workers in central Italy turning to the Com- munists despite the most barbarous terrorism on the part of the Black Shirts—and even giving Mussolini a minority. To make the program complete, the American socialists line up with the Conference for Progressive Political Action against the formation of a Farmer-Labor party and against the more class-conscious section -of the workers and militant farmers of America. They, too, affiliated to the Hamburg International, wish to be perfectly respectable and participate in capitalist reconstruction—and in the class collaboration sponsored by Johnston in the railroad industry. The day of mere social-democratic ministers in capitalist governments is past. The day of social-democratic and labor government is here. The bourgeoisie is broadening and extend- ing the democratic illusions of the working and peasant classes. Labor leaders are being given an opportuni- ty to elaborate capitalist programs, which the workers will not take from the hands of the bourgeoisie itself. It is no definite sign that the bour- geoisie does not trust its own power: the ruling class is wont to employ any decoy to lead the subject class from the path to power. Kerensky in Rus- sia, Ebert in Germany, MacDonald in Great Britain, Stauning in Denmark— all politicians of the stripe, with the same policy—all belonging to the same international. Capitalism Crumbling And yet in the year 1924 it is a sign of the gradual breakdown of capital- ism. Capitalism has to resort to sub- terfuge in order to put its program across. The British labor ‘govern- ment, the German social-democrats and the French socialists are enthus- iastic supporters of the Dawes report. If the “representatives of the work- ers” favor the report, who could be against it? India is seething with re- volt against British tyranny: who could recommend to them temperance in method better than the “representa- tives of British labor?” The elections in Italy, the provincial elections in Germany, “the national elections in’ Gefiishy “and the elec: tions in France have dem ited what the workers think of soc’ diem oeratic governments and partiés. In all the countries of Europe, and ‘also in the United States, the turn to the left is definite and pronounced. Cap- italism cannot solve its own prob- lems: drawing the social-democrats into the settlement means clarifying the problems. Social-democracy was never representative of the working class: social-democracy was and is only a petty-bourgeois expression of dissatisfaction with existing condi- tions. Social-democracy merely de- mands a greater participation of the working cl. in the affairs of sta and industry, Social-democracy does not seek the rule of the working class. Communists’ Power Rising Despite the White dictatorships that rule many countries, the Communist parties have inereased in power. ‘The the treacherous par-|ernment, The only thing illusions of capitalist democracy and social-democracy cannot persist; they are opening the eyes of the workers and bringing them under the influ- ence of the Communist International with the application of Bolshevist pol- icies and methods. The truths that Lenin preached are being demon- strated and: vindicated day by. day. This is the day of social-democracy; the day of Communism is dawning. Throw Injunction at Picket. NEW YORK, June 19.—Picketing is prohibited by an injunction against the striking Cleaner’s and Dyers’ union granted to the Manhattan Steam Dyeing company, Brokolyn, by Judge Benedict. : : Amalgamated at St., 1, ST. PAUL, Minn., June 19.—Sidney Rissman and Sam Levin are here as the delegates of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, anoth- er general executive boar dmember, D. Mariem Petri is also here with cre- dentials of the Amalgamated Joint The Working Man and the Boss. The working man is the creator of all things. He makes the clothing, the food, the fuel and even the unneces- sary things such as jewels. These he makes for the capitalist. Altho he is the creator of all things, he does not own them. He does not run the goy- ernment. should. | The boss nothing and is noth- ing but an idle shirker and still he owns the factories and runs the gov- iM he does is} Junior Group.) Friday, June 20, 1924 “WE GET IT IN LONDON” By ANISE (Federated Press) Staff Writer) I was talking yesterday In Moscow To Dr. Hammer Who has a concession For import and export trade In Russia And he said: “We have received Special, Mention From the ‘Workers And Peasants’ ‘Inspection Because of the way we do Our business. Four-fifths of all our trade Is with GOVERNMENT Trusts, And fourteen percent With COOPERATIVES, And less than two percent With private middlemen. That is the sort of thing They encourage Because it helps build up State Industry. Besides we do four-fifths Of all our import On CREDIT, So these struggling state trusts Get the use From four to six months Of FOREIGN MONEY.” And I said: “That is a useful Arrangement, But where do you get the credit?” “Why, London” he said, “All those British firms Give merchandise credit now To Russia. Take textile machinery For instance; We bought it first in America But a little while ago A big English combine Of Textile Supply firms, Gave us two million dollars credit To run for four years, So of course we buy that stuff now In London!” Congress Won’t Get Reckless if States Approve Amendment (By The Federated Press) NEW YORK, June 19,—There is no danger that congress will prohibit the labor of all persons under 18 years of age if the child labor constitutional . amendment is ratified by the states, says Bernard L. Shientag, Industrial Commissar of New York state. Past acts show the conservatism of eon- gress, The last federal child labor law, which was declared unconstitutional, was less rigorous than existing laws in New York and various other states, Shienteg points out. Answering ques- tions regarding the effect of the pro- posed amendment on state legislation, Shientag declares in an official state- ment: “The power of the states is unimpaired ‘by the” amendment excepting that the opera- tion of the state law shall be suspend- ed to the extent necessary to give ef- fect to the legislation enacted by con- gress.” ‘ Jersey Painters Win 5-Day Week in. Six Weeks’ Strike JERSEY CITY, N. J, June 19— After six weeks strike the 4,000 paint- ers of Hudson County, New Jersey, have won the five-day week and daily wage increase from $10 to $10.50, The new contract is for one year and the terms are the same as: those pre- viously won by their fellow workers in the Brotherhood ‘of Painters, Deeo- rators and Paperhangers in New York city. The Poor Fish says: Warren 8. Stone made a wise crack when: he suggested the bankers and the rail- road brotherhoods to get together and run the railroads. They are doing It now, but the bankers don’t know it, except when they clip their coupons. We need more Stones in the labor movement. the working man and the farmer to work eight hours or more a day while he dances and enjoys himself. still he does not even give ing man the right wages. Pei We therefore want to make a gov- ernment where the creator of the things will own and run them and where there will not be any shirkers, In other words we fight for a workers’ and farmers’, government. (Contributed by the Marshfield sali ‘ oy es

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