The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 5, 1924, Page 6

/ Page Six THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1118 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 monthe | By mail (in Chicago only): | $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 montas $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER | 1113 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, Ilinois | J. LOUIS ENGDAHL ) WILLIAM F. DUNNE ) MORITZ J, LOBB....... .. Editors Business Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application. <P 200 A Banker’s Lament John F. Sinclair, the Minnesota banker, ap- peared as the pitiful apologist for Senator LaFol- lette last Sunday before the gathering of Farm- er-Labor forces at St. Paul. Sinclair had nothing to say in favor of LaFol- lette’s stab-in-the-back attack on the June 17 convention. This-banker merely tried to excuse LaFollette’s action. LaFollette had been forced into issuing his statement under pressure from the Gompers’ regime in the American Federation of Labor, and the Stone-Johnson dictatorship over the conference for progressive political action. That was the apology that Banker Sinclair of- fered. LaFollette had been forced to sign on the dotted line, “said Sinclair, an indication that the statement, containing its anti-Com- munist slanders, had been prepared for the Wis- consin senator. LaFollette wanted the cam- paign funds that the railroad brotherhood or- ganizations could raise for him. This lament of Banker Sinclair shows, bet- ter than anything else possibly could, how far removed from the workers and farmers Senator LaFollette really is. Among LaFollette’s staunchest supporters is to be found Warren E. Stone, the $25,000 per year “grand chief” of the Brotherhood of Lo- comotive Engineers. Stone is head of what is more a fraternal, mutual benefit organization than a labor union. He is more of a banker than a labor official, the engineers’ bank hav- ing extended its far-reaching ramifications into the very heart of Wall Street itself. And the farmers know what bankers are, even down to the custodians of the cracker-box in- stitutions to be found in the small prairie, or backwoods towns. Bankers, landlords, grain gamblers, food profiteers are all one to the plun- dered farmer. .. No wonder that the farmer turns instinctively away from Banker Stone and his Cleveland July th Conference for Progressive Political Action. No wonder that the workers and farmers in con- ference last Sunday at St. Paul refused to listen to Banker Sinclair. No wonder that they re- fuse to be moved by the puppet of these bankers, Senator Robert Marion LaFollette, who has the audacity, while still a member of Wall Street’s republican party, to attack the class farmer- labor forces of the nation. Let the bankers lament, and their puppet shed tears along with them. The workers and farm- ers are going to St. Paul on June 17. French Workers Awaken If one still thinks of the French working class as under the influence of nationalism, as frenziedly patriotic, it is good to read Claire Sheridan’s account of pre-election meetings in Paris. “M.° Tardieu (reactionary) tried to justify the occupation of, the Ruhr. His audience did not seem to think it could be justified. M.- Tardieu laid. the responsibility of French militarism on Germany for having started the war. His audience expostulated. M. Tardieu exclaimed: “But you agree that the blame of the war rests on Germany?’ “Shouts of ‘Non, non!’ “M. Tardieu angrily replied: “‘Then perhaps you think France shares the blame—’ “Shouts of ‘Oui, oui!” Miss Sheridan further tells of one of Tardieu's mieetings adjourning in an uproar because he tried to justify the interventions of France ‘against the Russian Soviet Republic. She says: “There is no doubt, the workers of the world re- gard the workers’ republic with fraternal affection and that any acts of intimidation or aggression against the republic by reactionary governing classes arouse all the class-consciousness of the other workers.” All of which throws more light upon the reports that the recently elected deputies of the Bloc des Gauches are embarrassed by the “unreasonable demands of their followers.” The politicians of the petty-bourgeois “left” rode into office on the aroused hopes of masses who are already being disillusioned. The next election will doubtless show. the same enormous increase for the Com- munist party in France that the last one showed in Germany. Which is a thermometer that registers the readiness of the working class for revolution- ary action. Send in that Subscription Today! Al smith is making strenuous efforts to get the nomination of the Democratic Party for president on a program of 2.75. Whether it is Al, or Me- Adoo, or any other tool of capitalism, the can- didate named in New York will get the support of Sam Gompers. Fortunately the workers and farmers are so tired of the old shell-game that they will not be looking Gompersward; they have THE DAILY WORKER The Cleveland Muddle Not since 1904 has there been so cut and dried an affair in national politics as the Repub- lican convention, to be opened in Cleveland jnext week. The “nonpartisan” ruling forces of the New York financial district have dictated the platform and decreed the candidacy of Cool- idge. The permanent chairman of the conven- tion will be the notorious lame duck Mondell. All will be bliss at the quadrennial marionette |show of the party of graft, oil and pelf, the GooePR. But beneath the surface peace there is a di- lemma facing the powers that will be running the farce. This dilemma arises out of the eco- nomic conditions at hand. The convention must produce a platform which will serve to stave off the dire consequences threatening to befall the Republican party in the hard-hit agri- cultural regions of the northwest. This year such a task will be very difficult in view of the desperate state of affairs in which these masses find themselves and because of the great disil- lusionment experienced by them in the recent oil scandal revelations. At the same time, the clique controlling the convention will not dare to put even in their platform anything which might in the least alienate the support of the big financial interests of the eastern states that will have to invest more money than ever in this presidential campaign. The senators from the western section of the country will be especially vigorous in demand- ing many so-called radical promises in the plat- form in order to save their own political neeks in the November turmoil. A prominent Repub- lican viewed this unpleasant task as one of “pre- venting hell from overflowing east and west from its present center.” Dissatisfaction with the reactionary Republican administration is on the increase in the agricultural states. The vic- tories so highly bought and paid for by the bil- lionaires in the Coolidge successes in the pri- maries are in no way a measure of the feeling of the masses outside the Republican party and beyond the immediate influence of theemachine. The Republican convention is a settled affair |in so far as the masses are concerned. The only point of some interest left is the empty gesture that LaFollette will make to frighten Daugherty, Lodge, Coolidge and Smoot. But beneath the surface the fundamental problem confronting the reactionary capitalist class will still remain unsettled. The real and only place where mor- tal blows can be struck at the exploiters is today, more than ever, outside the packed halls of the conventions of the Democratic and Republican parties. Send in that Subseription Today! Sham Battle in Congress For a few hours the so-called progressives in the house and senate raised a noise in the news- papers, with their demand that congress should reassemble July 7 to consider farm and rail- road legislation. Simple-mined and trusting people actually thought that now, at long last, we should see a parliamentary struggle. A fili- buster by a few long-winded senators would cer- tainly have registered with more emphasis than heretofore the determination to achieve some remedial legislation. But it was only a sham battle. What the con- gressmen who shout for the farmers and rail- road brotherhoods wanted was not to stir up the working class generally to realize that con- gress is deliberately sabotaging all their mild demands. What they wanted was just to have a little issue of their own with which to go back home and repair fences. They did not wish to reassemble congress—they merely wanted to be able to say, “We tried, but the reactionaries voted us down.” Workers and farmers have been falling for the fake political fights in congress for many years. The so-called progressives today are but con- tinuing the old game they learned in the Demo- Rep school of hoodwinking the workers. Noth- ing but a powerful farmer-labor party can really begin to put up the battle which will lead to the struggle for power by the working class. Unemployment Is Growing Workers will do well to prepare for new drives against wages and working conditions. For employment is slackening down with threaten- ing speed; unemployment is growing daily; the industrial reserve army is being continuously swelled. These are conditions that strike at the working class in its most vital interests, They encourage the bosses to crugh organiza- tions of labor and intensify exploit ae Relief from the scourge of unemployment can only be achieved by the struggle of the work- ers, political and industrial. One of the chief problems that the Farmer-Labor moye- ment must tackle is just this. Immediate meas- ures designed to keep up wages, protect work- ing conditions, and prevent suffering of the un- employed, must be worked out and made the slogans of the entire labor movement. But all such measures are merely of an emer- gency nature. Unezaployment is inherent in the capitalist system. It can only be done away with when the working class organizes itself, seizes all power in society, and begins to recon- stitute industry and government on a Commun- ist basis. What the workers in the “Western Electric” need is an organization. Let the workers remem- ber, industrially as well as politiesdly, that “in unity there is strength.” a their eyes fastened on St. Paul. f rd ‘William Mahonéy may not know it. He may not have intended it as such, But his editorial in the Union Advo- ate of May 29th, (The Communists and the Farmer-Labor Party) is clearly a concession to the enemy. It is a con- cession to the-opponents of June 17th. It makes the impression of an attempt to please and pacify Gompers, the C. P. P. A, La Follette, and all the enemies of the Farmer-Labor move- ment in the United States. Before we proceed any further, let us re-state one of the fundamentals of this movement which is headed in the direction of a class party of workers and exploited farmers. It is objec- tively a movement of the oppressed masses seeking political expression, but as yet it is actively participated in only by the advanced and maturer sections of the workers and poor farm- ers. A Rank and File Movement Furthermore, it is.a movement of the rank and file against the official and “recognized” leadership. The re- actionaries of the C. P. P. A., just as well as the reactionaries of the Gomp/ ers crew, both are bitterly opposing this rank and file farmer-labor move- ment. William Mahoney knows that. In his own efforts to build and promote the moyement he has _ encountered plenty of opposition from the so-called official leadership. If this is true, then there is only one conclusion to be drawn regarding the present nature of the farmer-labor movement, namely, that it is a movement of the left wing. Yes, the left wing in the American labor movement is at present the only force that is working consciously and persistently towards the promotion of the farmer-labor movemént. This, too, Mahoney knows. And if he knows this, it should not be difficult for him to realize that he who weakens in any way, shape, or form, the left wing, is thereby weakening the farmer-labor movement. Communists Integral Part of Left Wing Now, who is the left wing? A broad definition of it would include all those workers and poor farmers who stand for more modern, more progressive, and more militant forms of organiza- tion and methods of struggle against capitalist exploitation in the United States. But whatever the exact defi- nition of the left wing, there is one fact about it which no one will dispute, and that is, that the Communists are an organic and inseparable part of it. One may like it or not, but there is no denying the fact that he who ¢«ttacks the Communists or attempts to sepa- rate them from the left wing is there- by attacking and weakening the én- tire left wing. William Mahoney may not know it, but it is true just the same. From which it follows that at the present stage in the development of the class struggle in America, any attack upon the Communists is dn attack upon the farmer-labor movement. La Follette knows it, and Gompers, and the C. P. P. A. That’s why they attacked the Communists when they decided to de- liver a blow at the June 17th Conven- tion and at the farmer-labor movement generally. eee Mahoney Rai Questions It is with these ideas in mind that we approach the already mentioned editorial by William Mahoney in the Union Advocate of May 29th: There is no attack upon the Com- munists in that editorial. Of course not. Mahoney knows them too well, and their services to the farmer-labor movement, to attack them. What he does, however, is to raise the Very in- teresting question of the relationship between the Communists and the farm- er-labor movement. He says: MLAS Memories of Russia Wins. By ALFRED V. FRANKENSTEIN. Charles Martin Loeffler, the Boston composer, won the thousand dollar prize for the best composition sub- mitted in the contest of the North Shore music festival at Evanston last Thursday night. Loeffler’s work was a tone poem called “Memories of Childhood-Life in a Russian Village.” The description of the work on the program was as follows: “The com- poser’s memory of life in a Russian yillage—old Russia, with its folk- songs and dances, the chants of the orthodox church, the fairy tales, the pageantry of death; above all, the composer’s memory of a great friend, an elderly peasant, a poet.” The work opens slowly, with the chiming of bells. It works up to a fast and rhythmic section of typical Russian dance tunes, and closes mys- teriously, in a shadowy, mystical fashion, curiously suggestive of parts of Williams’ London symphony. It is good music, but scarcely original. There is too much Musorgski and Rimsky-Korsakov in it for that. The composition second in the judges’ estimation was a “Tragic” overture, by Edwards Collins of Chi- cago. It is not a noble, Shakesperian sort of tragedy that Collins paints; rather it is a frenzied despair. It reminds one somewhat of the pe- culiar and horrible black, and white sketches that Wallace Smith drew for “Fantasius Mallare.” This was the I's a Concession fo the Enemy - “The felationship betwen the two will have to be definitely settled at an early day, as the organized ac- tivity of the Communists has become a source of fear and irritation (our bold) to a great many earnest supporters of this new movement.” That the organized activity of the Communists in favor of a class farmer- labor party has become a source of fear and irritation to a great many people, we have not the slightest} producers, doubt. In fact, we knew that right along. It is because of this very fear and irritation that La Follette, and Gompers, and the C, P. P. A. have just the other day attacked the Com- munists and the June 17th Conven- tion. But we never suspected that these frightened people were “earnest supporters of this new movement.” Just the contrary. We always knew, and said so, that the closer we come to June 17th the more fearful will be- come all the enemies of a class party of workers and poor farmers. And, what is more, we thought that Wil- liam Mahoney shared these views with us. It seems, however, that he does not, at least not entirely. For he says: ° “The presence of an organized revolutionary group within the party (Farmer-Labor Party—A. B.) and constantly striving to control and direct it, is causing many to question the wisdom of toleratin\ such activity.” And further: “The things that causes most irri- tation and distrust is the existence of a small group carrying on their intrigues and plots to control.” And still further: 2 “It is felt that there is no occas- sion for any element to organize . against the masses (our bold) and seek to control by stealth and persistency.” Now, it fs a pity that William Ma- honey does not tell us who these peo- ple are that are questioning the wis- dom of and are feeling distrustful about the activities of the Commun- ists in the farmer-labor movement. If we knew who they were, we might be in a better position to explain the reason for their restlessness of mind. Answered By Authority. However, these “charges” must be answered. And we can see no better way of doing it than by referring all these questioning and doubtful people to a man who has had as much ex- perience with the Communists in the farmer-labor movement as anyone in the United States. This man is, of course, not a Communist. We quote some of his statements: “The aims and purposes of the Communists have been boldly stated in their organized activity in Minne- sota. They have made no secret of their plans and objects; but have given the widest publicity to them. The developments in Minnesota have forced this outspoken state- ment which has brot forth both crit- icism and approval. The charge that the Communists do their work secretly and maliciously is not borne out by the tactics and expres- sion of their organization In this state.” This is as fair a statement as can be had about the manner in which the Communists carry on their activ- ities, not only in Minnesota but allover the country. It comes from one, him- self not a Communist, who is pe- culiarly competent to render an opin- ion, And this man says that the Com- munists of Minnesota conduct their activities in the farmer-labor move- ment openly and frankly; i. e., neither stealthily nor secretly. There is another charge yet, that the Communist “organize against the masses,” persumably against the in- terests of the masses. In reply, we refer again to the same authority: “They declare that it is their in- 3 Sea OVI BOONIEY most original work of the five played, and the only reason it did not get the prize was its excessive length. The composers of the other works prefer to remain incognito. Their offerings were a suite of sketches “From the North Country,” a fantasy, “The Road to Hell is Played with Good Intentions,” and a suite after a ator LaFollette has come out with his own (uncopyrighted) expose of the Communists, he has made himself ell- William J, Burns. Since Burns lost his right to association with Gompers thru loss of his D. of J. job Sam felt rather lonely in his politica tention to put up candidates on the Farmer-Labor ticket who are avowed Communists, and on a Com- munist platform, and seek to have them nominated; but if defeated will support in, the election the choice of the majority. This is done with the idea that the Farmer-La- bor party must, by the very nature of its elements and constitution, promote the interests of the wealth and hasten the over- throW of the economic and political domination of the capitalist class.” In other words, the Communists sup- port the Farmer-Labor party because they believe that in so doing they are promoting “the interests of the wealth producers,” i. e., the masses as against the exploitation of the capitalist class. And to substantiate the same fact, just one more quotation: “The members of the Workers’ party have issued a statement re- cently relative to the candidates seeking nominations in the Farmer- Labor primary, and have selected a list. of candidates, most of whom have not been consulted and sup- ported, not because they are Com- munists, but because it is believed these candidates will best promote the interests of the producers. A few of the list are avowed Commu- nists and are so designated.” Which proves again that the Com- munists are in the farmer-labor move- ment to serve and “promote the inter- ests of the producers.” ee Mahoney versus Mahoney. By this time, we are aware, the reader must be very impatient to learn the identity of the authority .whom we have been quoting. Well, the name of the man is William Ma- honey, editor of the Union. Advocate of St. Paul, Minnesota. And the quo- tations cited were taken from the same editorial.in which the question is raised as to the wisdom of tolerat- ing the activities-of the Communists in the farmer-labor movement. It is a peculiar case of William Mahoney versus William, Mahoney—the same day (May 29), the same newspaper, the same editorial. ‘We are perfectly satisfied as to which of the two is right, but we re- gret exceedingly that William Ma- honey himself is not yet sure about it. For he proceeds to say: “It would seem that the best way for the Communists to promote their views is to join with other members of the Farmer-Labor movement to promote the party principles and organization; or to withdraw altogether and carry on an ndent campaign of educa- tion.” : : We will refer William Mahoney to William Mahoney himself, and by this we will prove that the only two things the Communists have been doing since they came into the farmer-labor move- ment were the following: 1. Promote their own views. 2. Promote the principles and or- ganization of the farmer-labor move- ment. This being the case, then why should the Communists withdraw? ofr @ No Splits In the Left Wing. In the same issue of the Union Ad- vocate from which the above quota- tions are taken, is another editorial entitiéd: “Senator LaFollette Influ- enced by Special Counsel.” There we find the following sentence: “La Fol- lette may hot know it, but if the June 17 convention can be killed, it will be an easy matter for his enemies to handle the Cleveland convention of July 4.” With a little retouching this sentence would fit our own occasion excellently. And so we shall conclude. William Mahoney may not know it, but if the UITER ATER IE hase onins Bancarhon stl Aa retreat tent ace Riestrncba Be or cs! Workers (Communist) party could be separated and isolated from the line by Whitman. ‘ “We are nature— long have we been absent, but now , | we return.” ‘The first of these is the most medio- cre. It is an imitation of the suites of MacDowell, with a modernist dis- sonance here and there. The second is a rather troubled and uneasy bit of music, ending with a slow section that would make a good’ counterfeit for parts of “Lohengrin.” The Whit- mah piece is not at all Whitmanesque, except for the last mov nt, en- titled: “War Dance,” in w! some of the husky animalism of the poet is suggested. é The judges were:. Deems Taylor, critic; Ernest Schelling, pianist, and Adolf Weidig, violinist and theorist. | there is not a single article there $1 Weekly Car Pass Pays. TACOMA, Wash., June 4.—After two years trial the Tacoma street car company will continue the $1 a week unlimited ride system on all its lines, Patrons buy a weekly pass for $1, which entitles them to ride as much and as often as they like without further expense, The company in- augurated the system when the high cash fares had cut down revenue to the danger line, Painters Techni ical School, CHARLESTON, W. tion of apprentices in the fine points By Alexander Bittelman Thursday, June 5, 192 an easy matter for its enemies hot only to handle the convention of June 17, but to cripple the whole move ment and retard its further develom ment for years to come.’ farmer-labor movement, {t would of AS WE SEE IT By T. J. O}FLAHERTY The Chicago Tribune editor who ed- itorialized on the issuing of an injune tion by Judge Carpenter which stipu- lates that the police shall have the right to enter the home of a certain citizen by the name of Ostrowsky at any time of day or night to ascertain whether there is whisky on the prem ises, got the sex angle on the story, The thought occurred to the editor that danger lurks between the lines. of the injunction, danger to the purity of womanhood, for forsooth Ostrowe sky may have a good looking wife and daughter or daughters, which fact might tempt sundry citizens to as sume the role of prohibition officera and seek access to the Ostrowsky home in the absence of Ostrowsky. A peril confronts the nation! Virtue has one foot on a banana peel and thd other on an injunction. Injunctiong prohibiting strikes move the Tribune only to eloquent defense, but when danger confronts the wine cellars of our bourgeoisie, then our capitalist scribblers hide behind the skirts of their women. oe ~ Readers have marveled at the am sumed omniscience of the Tribune ine dustrial expert who uses the pseudow nym “Scrutator.” His name is Harpet’ Leach, former publicity man for the railroad labor board. A tired radical, who because of a large, hungry fam ily could not afford to become a Bugs house Square anarchist, he sold him» self to the World’s Greatest Lian and does his level best to earn hig keep. He left the railroad labor board when he feared the government. wag going to drop it. The Chicago Tribung has very good connections with thg present government in Washingtomy and worked in co-operation with th@ American Defense society and the rede baiting squad under Burns. Leach once edited a paper in Denver, Cola He is popularly known as “Screwe Tater” in newspaper circles, and hi in contempt as a renegade. Ae When Andre Marty, Communis§ leader of the mutiny which took plac@ on the French Black Sea fleet whey ordered to fire on the Russian Sovied forces, entered the chamber of depw ae ties a conservative deputy who de clared he represented the war vee erans, assaulted him. But Marty is pacifist and he vigorously courtesies with his opponent. enemies of communism are fond accusing the Communists of beli in force and violence. Yet, it is deniably true that the capitalists their henchmen are always the to use violence as has been proven thousands of instances in America all over the world. The League of Nations may have other chance to proye its Mussolini has landed troops on thi Greek island of Rhodes, in the M teranean Sea off the southwest of Asia Minor. We have not heard if Italian honor or dignity has been ina sulted by some alleged Greek bandit but the Italian imperialists will ; some excuse for shaking the G: down for more cash. They are particular where the money is The capitalist class cannot have no matter how much they may des! it. Like lesser thieves there is honor among them and as long as th are allowed to rule this earth and good feeling among the hi race is impossible. The only remedy the overthrow of the capitalist rob! system and the reconstruction of ciety on a communist basis, ' se 8 A The favored few under the sel immigration law, boosted by of labor James J. Davis, to be into this country are: immigrants served in the United States army ing the world war; ministers of religious denomination; professors scholars. The capitalist lackey sons that these three categories | prove useful Auxiliaries in aiding American rulers to keep the worker submissive. In an article in the rent issue of the United Mine Workert Journal, Mr. Davis praises the leaders who have held conferences | his office and accepted his gag, graphing and fingerprinting Herbert Hooyer and Casey also have articles in the cial organ of the miners’ union 4 t al ' a worker. eee Calvin Coolidge comes out edly for the World Court which alias for the League of Nations. American bankers want the but owing to the American against “entangling alliances” in. rope, and the divergent interests the capitalists themselves,