The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 22, 1924, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER! PUBLISHING CO., 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 monthe By mail (in Chicago only): $4.50....6 months $2.50....3 montis $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, Illinois J. LOUIS ENGDAHL ) WILLIAM F. DUNNE ) MORITZ J. LOE. Editors Business Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office ‘at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. <P 290 Advertising rates on application, The Bonus “Victory” After two years of political dickering and iog- rolling there has been enacted a sham bonus law. The measure which the senate and house passed oyer the president’s veto has been appropriately called a “tombstone” bonus. The provisions of this law enable millions of ex-soldiers to borrow money and pay heavy interest on insurance poli- cies granted them by the government. The real significance of the outcome of the bonus controversy is not to be found in any ad- vantages. accruing to the ex-soldier masses. The basic importance of the senate and house over- riding the ‘president’s veto is rather to be looked for in its being an index to the status of the re- ) publican party on the eve of the coming elections. There is no question but that Coolidge, as pre- sident, is the only logical leader for the republican machine in the coming campaign. Supported by the maximum financial aid that Wall Street could muster and backed by an almost unanimous press Coolidge fought all bonus measures tooth and nail. _He even organized breakfast-table lobbies. The senators and congressmen voting for the very limited adjusted compensation bill did not do so out of regard for the welfare of the ex- soldiers but were animated simply by a desire to get back to the capital after November. Here we have a basis of conflict between the only logic- al leader of the republican party and his lieuten- ants. Coolidge will be unable to change his front on the bonus issue which now will become more of a cash proposition than ever before. The senators having taken cognizance of the mass demand, by voting to over-ride the president’s veto, will be compelled to lend more attentive ear then ever to the new bonus demands of the ex-soldiers. To- day, the republican party stands only one chance of coming out of the fight intact. It must have strong centralized leadership and unity on funda- .—._.__mental issues. The outeome of the bonus dispute will prove a source of deep dissension in the re- publican fold during the coming campaign: It may be true as C. W. Barron of the Wall Street Journal said that Coolidge and Mussolini are the “two greatest economic minds in the world.” Yet, billions can’t’ be juggled even by “Silent Cal” at a time when the expenses of maintaining the strike-breaking government are mounting so rapidly. The leadership of Coolidge has been substantially impaired by the decisive de- feat administered him by the Senate and House on this question. We do not accept the law enacted by the senate as giving the ex-soldier masses even a fraction of what the capitalists owe them. We believe the time is at hand for forcing the employing class government to recognize that the masses have some ji interests and that for once an end should be put to the employers’ receiving huge bonuses from the governmental authorities. We hope that the de- feat of Coolidge will prove only an entering wedge {i for a series of real mass demands on the govern- Ae ment by the workers and farmers in behalf of themselves. Stone - Work y The first serious jolt which many of our hope- ful, democratically inspired liberals have received at the hands of the new law-abiding Attorney General Stone is rather harsh. We confess that in ‘our most sanguine estimate of the lack of differ- ence between the policies of Stone and his pre- decessor Daugherty we did not venture to expect 80 severe a disappointment to the innocents at home at so early a daie. Attorney General Stone has flatly refused to allow Remus to get the papers giving the detai's of the transaction in which he paid from $250,000 to $300,000 as “protection money” to Jess Smith, ~~ Daugher' ty’s go-between. In accordance with his laration of policy, Mr. Stone hides his refusal i to Ip the Brookhart committee investigating the Department of Justice, by an emphatic declara- tion “to adhere strictly to the statutes.” Mr. Stone ' is ready to heip the committee in the courts but not at this juncture when it is busy getting evid- ence. _ Herein lies the sole difference of approach and tactics between the former attorney general and his successor. Mr. Daugherty was pretty blunt and took little heed of legal pretenses in his ad- ministering the office in behalf of the big business _ interests. Mr. Stone, reputed to be afflicted with a judicial mind and dedicated to the preservation » of law and order, runs his office much more in ac- cordance with the law but at least as effectively _ in behalf of the employers as Daugherty did. The refusal of Attorney General Stone to permit Remus, the uncrowned king of America’s bootleg oe to supply valuable evidence to the commit- _ is a most damaging blow struck at the Brook- committee. It shows yery plainly that be- jth the skin Stone and Daugherty have all in and practically nothing in difference. a a panei ee Bec rata Facts and Fancies Propaganda is one of the most effective weapons in all wars. Just now the country is being treated to an example of its use in the class war, in the present political conflict. The last six weeks have seen the inauguration of a powerful propaganda campaign to psychologize if not convince, the masses to the effect. that the oil investigation disclosures have. had no. fund- amental effect on the politics of the country. We are now told that there has been no change in the political divisions. Toward this end the press is harping on the following illusions and spending considerable energy in posing them as facts: First of all, we are asked to believe that the Republican Party is as sound and intact as ever and that Coolidge is already elected to succeed himself. Secondly, we are asked to accept as a fact that McAdoo has succeeded in ridding his system of Doheny oil and that he is-once more the only serious Democratic presidential aspirant. Thirdly, great stress is being placed by the kept: press on vee impossibility of a Third Party being organized in 1924, These editors would have us believe that for some mysterious reason or other, the condi- tions at hand, though admittedly more favorable then ever for the organization of a Third Party, still will not produce one. An examination of the facts betrays the un- founded character of these contentions. The suc- cess of the Coolidge forces in the primaries only shows that within the rank of the active Adminis- tration agents what is left of the Republican machine, Coolidge money, because of its abundance and strategic location, is still spreme. The success of Coolidge in the primaries does not, in the least, indicate popular sentiment towards the chief executive. Nor do “Cautious Cal’s” victories ‘over the discredited Hiram Johnson obliterate the truth that the Republican party is in the throes of disintegration. When so many Republican Senators and Congressmen, on the eve of a nation- al election, so handily repudiate their only possible leader, the President, as ‘they did in the Bonus and Japanese exclusion votes, it is clear to all that the Republican party is not unified and is face to face with numerous serious difficulties of dis- organization. Out of 32 Senators that are to be elected in November, the Old Guard is sure of only three seats. Not a single one of the insurgents is in danger of losing his place in the Senate. As to LaFollette heading a Third party we need but cite the fact that so reactionary an individual as James R. Howard, formerly president of the American Farm Bureau Federation, is convinced after touring the country, that the Wisconsin Senator will lead a new party campaign against Coolidge next November and will lead it in so well organized a fashion as to insure the loss of Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, North Dakota, South Dakota, Idaho, Montana, Nebraska, Iowa, and Washington to the President. We need not delve into these questions at any greater length. The gap between facts as they are and fancies as they are advanced by the employ- ing class press, is too great for the overwhelming mass of the workers and farmes to overlook. A Black United Front Sixty-two organizations have united to form a permanent body to fight and exterminate “revolu- tionary and destructive radicalism.” The leader in this move is the American Legion. The new self-appointed guardian of Americanism was bapt- ised at the recent sessions of a gathering of non- descript organizations advertised as the All-Amer- ican Conference. This new trust, dedicated to red-baiting, is com- mitted to wage campaigns extraordinary against all forms of Soviet propaganda, the recognition of Soviet Russia by the United States, and un- restricted immigration. The giant red-scare cor- poration blazons forth its demand for “unadulter- ated and undiluted American history in American schools, as opposed to the emasculated history which has been introduced so generally, robbing Americanism of much of its elemental significance and robbing democracy of its precious. heritage.” A rather auspicious program in the way hypocritical ranting in patriotism! The program is as hackneyed as the purpose. However there is one phase of this development in the extra- legal auxiliary organizations of the capitalist class that deserves the most serious and immediate attention of all the workers and farmers. It is the personnel of the black outfit that is interesting as well as important. Among the leading bodies affiliated with the new synod of reactionary bishops are the American Legion, the American Defense Society , the As- sociation of Newspaper Executives, the American Women’s Legion, the National Civie Federation, the National Grange, the United States Chamber of Commerce, and the American Federation of Labor. Truly, a better collectton of the spokesmen of employing class reactiom eould not be mar- shalled. What is the American e@aration. of Labor do- ing in company with the Ustted states Chamber of Commerce, an organization which refused to employ a single union man on its big building in Washington? Why its warm embrace of the strike- breaking, labor-hating National Civie Federation on the very day that the International Brother- hood of Stationary Firemen voted unanimously to withdraw from it because of its being’ “controlled by the capitalists? Gompers does not dare answer this hobnobbing with the vilest enemies of the labor movement. There is no possible excuse, there is not even the slightest organizational pretense, behind which the grand old menace to the welfare of the work- ing class can hide this organic connection with the blackest united front that the country has suffering, not by the ppd feel sphere of prejudice and ne lynching pnapezert by the leaders of their own hesesad All [opirit.. seen for years, THE DAILY WORKER Does the Convention of the Interna- tional Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union Represent the Rank and File? This question will challenge the at- tention of every impartial observer who has followed the bitter internal struggles in that union and has no- ticed the seemingly solid support of the overwhelming majority of the dele- gates for the administration and its Policies. In order to give a definite answer to this question it is necessary to review the life and activities of the organiza- tion for the past few years. Two years ago, when the Cleveland convention convened, the administration found it- self in a peculiar position. It found, to its astonishment, a left block at the ebnvention which was not only repres- entative of the majority of t:” mem- bership but came very near controlling the majority of the votes at the con- vention, Abe Cohen at Cleveland. The large vote of the opposition threw the machine into a panic, and immediately machinery was set in mo- tion towards reaching a compromise. Abe Cahan (an “insider”’), who was present at the convention undertook the task of bringing about an under- standing between the two groups in the organization. ., This attempt to break the left block by offering eight concessions was con- tinued after the adjournment of the convention, These tactics, which at first appeared to bring {good results, were soon proven to be a complete ailure, as the left wing became more crystalized. It is quite true that some of the leaders of the militants fell a rey to tne promises of the administra- tion; but the rank and file, whose op- position was based upon real differ- ences of policy and tactics that touch- ed the most vital problems of the or- ganization, persisted in their activities even after some of the leaders desert- ed their ranks, Faced with a movement which was daily gaining new adherents, and would not compromise its principles, the administration recognized in this novement a real menace and was com- pelled to adopt more drastic measures so as to assure a majority at the next convention. The most convenient weapon was to stigmatize the mili- tants as duel unionists and proceed to expel them from the organization. | EXPULSIONS BROUGHT CRISIS The expulsion order was the first step in preparation for the convention. Never in the history of the union has any action of the leaders given rise to such bitter opposition. From the largest centers to the remotest towns, the membership protested against the order of the G. E. B. This great storm of protest more than anything else convinced the administration that the operation must be made at all costs. “If, we cannot control the union we will break it,” was their slogan. It was only the great devotion and revolutionary restraint of the militants that prevented the complete destruc- tion of the union. There was one single thought, one single desire that motivated all the actions of the of- ficialdom, and that was the coming convention. Locals For Convention Use. The various organization depart- ments which had remained a dead let- ter were equipped with staffs of or- ganizers and sent out to the suburbs to organize, not the workers in the shops, whose standards are much lower than those in the large centers, but to get together a few workers here and there who at one time or an- other belonged to the unigp, organize a local, and elect delegates to the con- vention. Thousands of dollars were spent, not f organize the workers, a task for which the militants have been agitating for many years, but to send eighty delegates to the convention. | These activities, together with the elimination of active members as a rebult of the expulsion policy prepared the ground for the present faree in Boston. Opportunity For Solidarity. The convention of the International Ladies’ Garment Workers, which marked 25 years of proletarian strug- gle, might have been a great event in the history of the union. On.such an’ occasion true proletarian leaders come together not only to paint in glowing y the struggles and achievements of the past but also to review the cause of many defeats, examine the structure and policies of the organiza- tion in order to devise new methods of struggle and shape new tools to suit the constantly changing condi- tions. Not so with this convention. The opening was a~real holiday ‘for the workers of Boston to lay down their tools and join the parade of welcome to the delegates. The flying red ban- ners and the genuine spirit of joy gladdened the hearts of every worker tho is dreaming of the aay when those who toil will become the masters of the world. Militants Inspired. Even the committees of expelled who had come from various parts of the country to appeal against their ex- pulsion, forgot for a while the bitter persecution that was the reward for their long years of service in the un- jon. They forgot that they who are ready to give their all to strengthen and build the union have been ran black-listed and subjected to this was lost sight of and they join- ed in the general celebration. It seemed as though the smoke of the battle that had been raging. for the past few months disappeared, and all, even those who had come to re- gard the union as a means of assur- ing for themselves a comfortable liy- ing as union officials; fondly looked back when, urged on by an irresistible feeling of revolt, they came together to lay the foundation of a dream that was to come true in the distant future. Amid all the celebration, there lurked in the subconsciousness of every worker and rank and file dele- gate, the questions: Will the admin- istration use this convention to con- tinue its ruthless policy of. expulsions, which has brought chaos and demoral- ization in the ranks of the workérs? Will it unseat the delegates who have come with mandates from some of he most important local unions to par- ticipate in the deliberations ‘of this convention, or will it openly give-lie to their own statement, made in the opening address of the president, that nothing but another demonstration like the strike of 1910 can bring real results in the present negotiations with the employers in New York? Is there still a spark of the old idealism in the hearts of those who at one time were part of the revolu- tionary movement in this country, or have they gone over body and soul to Gompers and will they emulate his example at Portland by converting the convention into a slaughter house of all those who dared challenge their incompetent leadership? | MACHINE BEGINS ATTACK | The credentials committee definitely settled all doubts. The, first attack was launched against the delegates of Local No. 1, four of whom were rec- ommended to be unseated. Local No. 1 is one of the largest units in the organization with a mem- bership of 11,000, and has for many years been the corner stone of the In- ternational. It is largely composed of young and more militant elements, and has always been a thorn in the side of the officialdom. The local had once before been reorganized but, due to the persistent efforts of the work- ers in the shops, the expelled mem- bers soon found themselves at the head of the organization again. Membership Defied. The report of the credentials com- mittee was received in intense silence. When the chairman had concluded it seemed as tho even the stand-pat- ters were shocked at this open defi- ance of the expressed will.of the mem- bership. For a few moments no one stirred. When the discussion finally started it was a battle royal. The technical charge of violating the or- der of the G. E. B. sunk to the back- ground. The real issue was the ad- vocacy of revolutionary methods of struggle displeasing to the powers that be. Right and Left Line-up. The discussion clearly marked the division in the union. On the side.of the administration were well-fed of- ficials who had long forgotten the woes of the worker at the machine. The revengeful tone of — their speeches indicated a spirit of retalia- tion for all the defeats they had suf- fered at the hands of the membership. On the side of the militants, were workers who, tho not trained in the arts of oratory, expressed the class conscious spirit of the worker and the conviction of the true idealist. Youth’s Impassioned Cry. One of the contested delegates cried out in an impassioned voice: “I am @ young man eager to give my youth and enthusiasm to the service of the organization. You may unseat me as a delegate but I shall still remain at the machine, and it is there amid the workers that I shall continue my work and receive appreciation.” Another speaker openly boldly stat- ed that he considers the action of the G. E. B. detrimental to the organiza- tion. He contended that grouping of members along lines of policy was healthy and essential for the organiza- tion, and challenged the officials to prove that the League was a dual union. Artificially Prepared Majority. The artificially. prepared majority, many of whom were newcomers, were unmindful Of the long years of service rendered bythe delegates in question. They were little concerned about the effect that suppression of opinion and ideas would have upon the future life of the orgénization. To them, tI revision of the old methods of strug- gle which had proven so fatal andthe | insistence of the militants for a rad- ical change, were of no account. The machine had worked for their elec: tion. They were sent here to vote against the lefts and _ religiously obeyed. In spite of the campaign of terrors} t ism started months before the conven- tion, in spite of the expulsion and dis- franchisement of many active mem- bers, reorganization of locals, removal from the ballot and arbitrary and ille- gal elections, the opposition lined up 61 votes which, together with the 20 contested delegates numbered 70, one- fourth of the convention, representing about 40 per cent of the membership. It required real men and women to raise their voice against the adminis- eat |tration in a carefully staget atmo- The discussion was to no account, FUTURE BELONGS TO UNION MILITANTS | MAD STEAM ROLLER TACTICS The unseating of Local No. 1 dele- gates was followed by others. What- ever the technical charge may have been it became more clear as the con- vention went on that a mad terror had seized the present rulers of the International, and the charge of dual unionism was merely used as a cover under which the administration hoped to eliminate all revolutionary elements opposed to their ruinous policies. In the case of Chasanow, Local No. 38, New York, the chairman of the eredentials committee read a leaflet which endorsed his candidacy. The leaflet outlined the program of the progressive element,'such as the shop delegate system, amalgamation, all-in- clusive labor party, etc. Like the League Program. Chasanow was not a League mem- ber, but the chairman stated that since this program is similar to that advocated by the League, the con- vention will declare him unfit to take part: in its deliberations. While the machine showed great Uberality in discussing the technical charges, they carefully shut off all discussion on the principles of the League, when this was attempted by the contested delegates. Unseating of Local 9 Delegates. Another dramatic incident was the unseating of eight delegates of Local No. 9 which had freed itself from the domination of the réactionaries three years ago. The recommendation also carried with it a clause placing the local under the supervision of the G. E. B. In a stirring address Louis Hyman, manager of the local, hurled serious in- dictments against the machine, charg- ing a frame-up against the local which the machine had attempted to capture on many different occasions but had failed to seize because of the opposi- tion of the rank and file. He accused them of taking advantage of this ar- tificial majority to accomplish what they had failed to do,in the elections of the local. In the case of George Halpern, they came out clearly with their intention to administer a blow to the Workers Party which at present is the spokes- man of the revolutionary workers in this country. A Wasted $100,000. It is difficult to believe that this con- vention, which involves the expense of more than $100,000 collected out of the meager earnings of the workers, bears any relationship to the difficul- ties facing the workers in the indus- It is hard to reconcile oneseif to the fact that this is a convention of a trade union meeting during a critical period of its existence, when union control, the fruit of many years’ strug- gles, is fast slipping out of its hands, and the sweat;shop system is fast re- turning to the»industry, réducing to nought the higher wages and sanitary conditions of the workers. Not Like a Trade Union. Any observer who sat thru the long days at the convention is more likely to receive the impression that this is more of a tribunal of the masters of the! world calling to account ’all those who refused to bow their heads in submission'rather than a convention of a trade union. The workers of the International have vainy looked to this conven- tion to lay down plans for curbing the ravenous appetites of the employers for greater profits and to alleviate the hardships of the workers. The leaders have a far more important task to per- form. It is the rebels, the disobedient in their own ranks that must be put down first, and then all will run smooth and easy. Militant’s Work Begins. ‘The leaders of the International may have an artificial majority at a packed convention. They may attempt, to stifle every. form of opposition, but so long as they cannot answer the crying needs of the workers in the industry, so long as they cannot and dare not face the pressing problems that con- the general direc- ) went to Rochester to have his devs treated, Russia's Production Increasing. LENINGRAD, May 21.—The produc: tion of the Leningrad industries for last February had considerably in- creased as compared with January, 1924. The productivity of work in the Leningrad metal branch has grown 20 per cent. The output of the tobacco Thursday, May 22, 1924 By Rebecca Grecht front every worker in his daily strug- gles, they are doomed. They may gloat over their empty victories, but their desperate policy proves con- clusively that they fear the revolt of the masses in their union who con- sider them the direct cause of their misery. Militants! The convention is over, but our work has just begun. It is idealism, courage, foresight and deter- mination that will finally win. You have all that on your side. The future belongs to you. AS WE SEE IT By T. J. OFLAHERTY The Committee on Union Label of the International Ladies Garment Workers’ Union recommend that the sum of $200,000 be appropriated by the convention for advertising union label goods in such widely read magazines as the Saturday Evening Post and the Ladies’ Home Journal. This would make an Egyptian mumniy~taugh. It happens that both magazines are non- union publications, owned by Ctrtis, the notorious scab herder and open shopper. The fakers who control the I. L. G. W. U. are continually howling against the radicals in their ranks and accusing them of trying to break up the union. Yet we have the yellow socialists union leaders recommending that $200,000 be dumped into the cof- fers of open shop publishers. Lahor fakers patronize scab taxis, scab hotels and scab on each other, It is well they are shedding whatever shred of dec- ency that clung to them so that the workers may be thoroughiy disillu- sioned. se 8 McAdoo looks considerably more like a candidate now than he did the day after it was learned he accepted a retainer of $50,000 from Doheny, the oil king. Since then his managers have gone over him several times with soap and water, and tho oil and water don’t mix, anything is liable to happen in politics. It speaks volumes for the Democratic Party that a dam- aged oil can is the best it can offer the imperial American voting king— king for one day. s 2 8 Calvin Coolidge may apply for his share of the Soldiers’ bonus which he tried to kill by veto. Being a practi- cal fellow, he probably reasons that he is entitled to some compensation for the hundreds of thousands of votes, the little patriotic speech will cost him. The press informs us that the president was “gassed” ‘ - forty- five minutes by Brigadier -eneral Sawyer, as a treatment for a soré throat. Now, if Calvin can dig up a second-hand gas mask, he can claim his share of the price of patriotism with as good a right as many of the members of the American Legion. He, at least served on the Massachu- setts water front. wae fen: James Brown, socialist member of the British parliament, is a nice, mo- derate sort of a fellow who would not hurt a hair on the head of a mem- Ker of the ruling class even tho it be a King. “Comrade” Brown knows what the wicked Communists of Rus- sia failed to realize that the workers can emancipate themselves, not by tearing down what has already been built up, but by excnanging places with those who are already in the places that are built’ up. For in- stance: when the Russian workers came into power, the czar lost his head and went underground. When the British socialists assumed office, James Brown became king of Scot- land. Everybody was satisfied—but the workers. The confoundedly stu- pid wage slaves found themselves no better off than before and went on strikes to get a little more salt her- ring for their wives and children. ihe We James Brown is a foxmer miner. He is now chancellor of the Church of Scotland. The nobility call him King. They hail his wife as Queen. Isn't that more pleasant for “Com- rade” Brown, than going to the trou- ble of overthrowing the capitalists system and establishing a Soviet Re- public bolishing titles, and royal robes and maids-in-waiting, etc. Of course! Nobody would think other- wise but a revolutionist. When “Com- rade” Brown arrived in Edinburgh, 21 of His Majesty's guns fired a royal salute for him. So the king is not such a bad fellow after all! If the workers only knew their masters— if they could only get close enough to them—how different things would be. . “ee At Holyrood palace the Queen's (Mrs. “Fellow Worker” Brown) Seventh Hussars mounted guard as the royal flag was hoisted over the palace. Comrade Brown wore the uni- ¥\form of Lord Lieutenant of After the royal pair were ly rigged out they proceeded to St, Giles cathedral and opened the gen- eral assembly of the church. ‘They were hauled to the religious @ gold state coach, After and banquets were initiated that will last for ten days. They are still going full blast. So you see, how the British Socialists, the prototypes of our Hillquits and Bergera are free- ing the British worki works has increased 25 per cent, The | will i juced over 40,000 poods ae