The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 12, 1924, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1113 W. Washington Bivd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $3.50....6 months $2.00....3 months By mail (in Chicago only): $4,50....6 months $2.50...3 months $6.00 per year $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Bivd. Chicago, Illinois J. LOUIS ENGDAHL ) WILLIAM F. DUNNE ) MORITZ J. LOEB....... .Editors Business Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, IIL, under the act of March 3, 1879. BP 290 Advertising rates on application. Get the Difference. me round-the-world aviator is lost along the icy coasts of Alaska and every resource is draft- ed in the effort to save him from death. The daily press dramatizes the possible danger that beset him and all the nation is expected to hang on the fringe of nervous hysteria. But when the department of interior issues its! “memorandum for the press,” at Washington, D. C., giving the latest statistics of the slaughter of workers in the coal mines, no mention is made of it. The yellow press is mum. When Major Frederick Martin started on his globe girdling flight he knew the dangers he faced. He accepted them. He knew that he was engaged in a jingo venture, planned to lure the youth of the nation, thru an appeal to its spirit of adven- ture, into the military service of the capitalist U. S- government. So we have no worry for the major. He and his will be well taken care of. But where are the widows and orphans of the 2.452 coal miners who lost their lives at their work place last year? Somewhere, trying to earn some sort of a livelihood, under a government that never troubled itself about their well-being. A million miners in the United States go to their work places facing death. They know it. The government knows it. The bosses know it. The worker canpot help himself. He must live. He must provide for those dependent upon him. The government cares little if he is Killed. The boss cares less. Little attention is paid to the fact that 339 coal miners were killed in March. Some months the figures go higher. Other months they may drop a little lower. But always the toll goes on: The life of the miner is cheap. There are always live, healthy, strong coal miners to take the places of the dead ones, carried from the smoking pit, scene of the latest explosion. There is plenty of new fodder for the capitalist industrial machine. But capitalist war and militarism must be glori- fied. For it is the military arm of the bosses’ dictatorship at Washington that lets the worker know his place in the coal mine, and at every other work place that he is needed. It is the most powerful weapon of the employer to make the worker take wage cuts, and toil thru the long workday. Only when capitalism has been abolished will the life of the worker be valued above all else. That will be the day of Communism. Barns Is Out One by one the leaves continue to fall from the Coolidge administration tree at Washington. It ought to be stripped bare. William J. Burns, the creator of anti-revolution- ary hysteria, the self-proclaimed supporter of the Sam Gompers’ policies in the labor movement, has sneaked out of the department of justice at Wash- ington, following his corrupt, labor-baiting chief, Harry M. Daugherty. The knock-out record now stands—Denby, Daugherty, Burns. But Coolidge is still surrounded by as choice a gang of grafters as ever gathered where spoils were to be had. There is Secretary of War Weeks, who joined General Leonard Wood, in plundering the Filipi- nos, and has a record of aiding Wall Street bankers and big utility corporations in other subjudgated colonies under the control of the United States. Hoover is the office boy of the fish trust; Wal- Jace is the enemy of the farmers, altho secretary of agriculture; Hughes is the pet of Standard Oil; Davis, the banker-secretary of labor, has a fascisti, anti-labor immigration policy; New, the post- master-general, is the foe of the postal workers; this is as exclusive a nursery of Wall Street babies as was ever brought to life under any old party administration at the nation’s capital. The DAILY WORKER has waged its war against them all. We have not tried to get any single individual. We feel, however, that with Denby, Daugherty and Burns out, the fight can be centered on the rest; the attack on the whole Coolidge administration can be strengthened. And the crimes of the republicans are also the crimes of the democrats. And when the workers and farmers learn the real nature of the two old political parties, then they will turn en masse to the class Farmer-Labor Party. Burns has been fighting the “reds” and “radi- cals” with the full power of the United States gov- ernment behind him. He is out! The revolution goes marching on! And there will be more casualties in Washington. The New York, New Haven and Hartford Rail- road has given ex-attorney general Daugherjy a clean bill of health. That made help him with ‘Wall Street. But the endorsement of this “open shop” railroad will not go at all with the workers, PUN ed oS + RO NaN RARER : THE DAILY WORKER Mundelein Comes Home George Cardinal Mundelein arrived in Chicago Sunday, fresh from the presence of the Roman Catholic Pope at Rome, where he was crowned with a red hat, insignia of the. new honors thrust upon him. Mundelein came home lifted to a higher place in the Catholic Church, and with the power to lift others to seats of eminence, And he has already used that power. But how? Mundelein gives no’ honors to the masses of workers, of many nationalities, still in the black grip of the Catholie Church. Recently he was banquetted by James Farrell, president of the United States Steel Corporation, for his brilliant services to the bosses during the steel strike. And now we notice that E. F. Carry, president of the open shop, labor-crushing Pullman Company, has been selected to be a Knight of St. Gregory, whatever that may mean. That will be something else for the strike pickets at the gates of the Pullman Company to think about this morning. The Polish, the Italian, the Lithuanian and other Catholic-enslaved foreign- language workers among the strikers will under- stand better why the Catholic Church has not leaped to their defense in the present struggle. Instead of pledging aid to the workers, in their righteous cause, the Catholic Church makes new alliances with the unholy trinity—Rent, Interest and Profit—the pillars of capitaiism. It is the lackeys of the profit system that the Catholic Church honors. Two other selected Knights of St. Gregory are Robert M. Sweitzer, the Chicago Tammany Hall politician, and Anthony Czarnecki, a kept newspaperman, who was es- pecially sent to Poland, to help buttress Polish- Catholic white terror rule against the Russian Workers’ Republic. Mundelein comes home a cardinal, the red hatted cardinal of the employers, not a red-blooded fighter for the workers. The workers at Pullman know, and other Catholic workers will learn. In Pittsburgh The Pittsburgh city council, living up to all the bloody traditions of Pennsylvania’s steel and coal ezardom, has voted $25,000 for the purchase of tear gas equipment, riot guns and other murderous munitions of war, to crush the street car strike that started on Saturday. Murder has always been the weapon of the steel barons and the mine owners, and Pittsburgh is their capital city. It is promised that the power to kill, in the hands of the employers’ dictatorship, will be brought to bear over the whole city today, in an effort to start running scab street cars, in place of granting the few cents wage increase de- manded by the carmen. Mayor William A. Magee has ordered that the ears be started running at the earliest possible moment, “with whatever forces are available.” So spoke “Andy” Carnegie at Homestead, and the steel profiteers at McKees Rocks, and the mine owners in Fayette and Westmoreland counties, and in many other industrial centers crimsoned with the blood of labor, scenes of the massacres of workers, struggling for a little more bread. The Pittsburgh plutocracy has armed itself with the latest weapons of war—tear gas, riot guns, armed tanks. It is inconceivable that a single worker should remain on a street car in Pittsburgh under these conditions. A 100 per cent strike would tie up the traction system, so that Mayor Magee would have to run his own cars. And he’ll find that tear gas, riot guns and armed tanks can’t run street cars, any more than court injunctions. Pittsburgh’s ruling class, in this street car be strike, challenges the whole working class thruout all of Pennsylvania, if not of the nation. Let the reply of the workers be a united front in support of the carmen. They are today waging the fight that may yet result in the 100 per cent organiza- tion of the steel workers and coal miners of this satrapy of Ameriéan profit. * Labor Elected Him Organized labor’s officialdom in Chicago has re- ceived its answer to the election endorsement given Judge Charles M. Foell last fall, It came in the form of heavy fines imposed upon the pickets of the striking garment workers for alleged contempt of the bosses’ courts. It should be difficult for Fitzpatrick, Nockels, Olander, Nelson and the rest to face a rank and file worker, knowing that they had helped the bosses put Foell in the job he now holds, a job that he uses, at every opportunity, against the working class. These labor officials advanced the exploded tlie- ory that there are good judges and bad judges to be had among the candidates of the old political parties. So “Dennie” Sullivan was fought, while Foell was fawned upon. , The garment strikers have learned, as we pointed out they would learn, that there is no dif- ference between “Dennie” Sullivan and “Charley” Foell, that they are both creatures of the same em- ployers’ judicial system, that crucifies labor in the name of the protection of private property. Labor cannot blame Sullivan and Foell. They are loyal to their class, the employing class that put them in power. They do not bear the brand of traitor. But the charge of treason may well be brought against the officials of labor, who so far forgot loyalty to their class interests, as to throw their support to a judicial lackey of the enemy, i Let the workers follow more closely the actions of labor officials, of the stripe of Fitzpatrick, Nockels and Olander, in future elections. By J. Louis Engdahi. ‘HERE will be no change, in this important presidential yéar, in the Political policies of the American Fed- eration of Labor. Sam Gompers and the executive council of the A, F. of L.“have pro- vided that the “platform, parties and candidates” will be measured this year, as usual, by the same old stand- ards. Gompers and his lackeys will go to the republican convention at Cleve- land, and to the democratic conven- tion at Madison Square Garden, New York City, to reward friends and pun- ish enemies in the same old way in the Wall Street parties. sf. @ HESE are conclusions easily drawn from the political declara- tion just issued from the A, F. of L. headquarters in Washington, D. C. But another conclusion can be just as easily drawn, and that is that Sam Gompers will always remain loyal to his first love, the democratic party, and that he is even now pulling all the strings he cam to secure the nom- ination of Al Smith, Tammany Hall governor of New York State, on the national democratic ticket. Gompers has always been close to the Tammany Hall machine in New York ity. The dominating officials in the New York labor movement are part and parcel of Tammany Hall. And Al Smith has always been their little hero, since he was pushed into the limelight by the late “Boss” Mur- phy. Gompers and his executive council will have nothing to do with a third party movement, let alone the drive for the National. Farmer-Labor class party. The coming months will show whether Gompers can win any mass- es for his donkey procession. We predict that few will be cured by the discordant music of this Pied Piper of Tammany Hall. see ‘UST how Gcmpers is seeking to win over the officials of labor to his moth-eaten program is. shown by the fact that President Morris Sig- man, of the International Ladies’ Gar- ment Workers’ Unjon, joined in the hip-hip-hooray demonstration for Al Smith at the convention now in ses- sion in Boston. None other than Mayor Curley broke. the ice for Gompers’ program, and it was announced that “Al” him- self would appear before the conven- tion later on. Thus Gompers not only has the Irish labor leaders in New York City under his thumb, but is even trying to make inroads among the Jewish the Sherman anti-trust law, income THE VIEWS OF OUR READERS ON LIFE, LABOR, INDUSTRY, POLITICS A Common Problem. To the DAILY WORKER: I am writing this on the chance that there may be many other comrades in the Workers Party who have been con- fronted with the same problem, and therefore the citing of my experience and conclusions may possibly be of some use. Previous to joining the Workers Party, some six or seven months ago, I was a member of the Socialist Party. My experience in the Socialist Party was, to say the least, very discour- ing. The English local to which I be- longed consisted of a motley crowd of individuals, the largest part of whom did not understand the least thing about the class character of society, had no definite conception or opinion on the inevitable struggle looming ahead for the workers, and possessed in general a petty bourgeois ideology. ‘They seemed to me the Peter Pans of © radical movement—who never w Up. Needless to say, there was no disci- pline nor well formulated national policy, let alone intexnational disci- pline and centralized authority. For example: A member would hand the secretary one or more nom- ination cards, with the dollar en- trance fee for each applicant; the name. would be called out—not pres- ent. One would say, “Move the ap- plicant be accepted.” Seconded, passed, and, by presto, a brand new rebel registered. Time after time the same happened without any one ex- cept the proposer ever having seen the person before enrollment, or aft- er; a mere farce. Another exampl A committee tried to look up registered Socialist voters. They found, and so ‘that the majority of those visited their Socialist education and inspira- tion by reading a capitalist-liberal sheet of ordinary yellow variety. Therefore I felt that for such a party to join a liberal-labor or third periment indeed. I felt that should workers by winning the leaders of this needle trades union.’ What Sigman’s price will be, we do not know. It will be remembered that Gompers bought Sigman’s predecessor, Benj- amin Schlesinger, with a delegateship to the British Trade Union Congress. 2 * ‘HAT Gompers’ campaign for Al Smith is well under way is shown by the statement just issued by Franklin D. Roosevelt, chairman of the New York State Committee for the nomination of Governor Alfred E. Smith, to which are appended the names of practically all labor leaders of note in New York City. There are included a large number of officials who met with the N. Y. Socialist leaders, about a year ago, at Albany, and with the spokesmen of the railroad brotherhoods, to talk Politics as it is played in the na- tion’s largest state. There are the Hollands and Sullivans, the Cough- lins and O’Hanlons, the Ryans and Fitzgibbons, the Doyles and the Bradys, the Conboys and Murphys, all cogs in the Tammany machine. The boom for “Al” is on, And Gompers is one of the chief boomers. see INCE the A. F. of L, officialdom thus develops its alliances, it can be taken for granted that it is not troubled much with program and prin- ciples. The slogans advanced for Wil- son, in 1912 and 1916, and for Cox in 1920, are good enough for “Al” Smith in 1924. No bother about the fact that the world has gone thru a great war, that great strikes have hit and dismembered some of America’s larg- est unions, while the working class is now face to face with a new industrial depression. Gompers meets universal wage cuts with a plea for the “revival of the spirit of honesty, integrity and high- mindedness in public office.” In the stern exigencies of the class war, he makes use of the empty phrases of the employers’ chloroforming propa- gandists, Gompers’ greatest attack is levelled against the Volstead act, with 2.75 per cent beer urged as the salvation of the human race. So how could Gompers. have the vitality to discuss greater issues. “ese @¢ N THE A. F. of L. election program we find no mention of the unem- ployment problem, daily growing more acute, nor of the housing prob- lem that confronts all city workers. ' Instead Gompers polishes up his time worn policies on the immigration question, child labor, the bonus, in- junctions, the railroad labor board, non-Socialists would undoubtedly de- velop. Since, however, I joined the Work- ers Party I have changed my attitude to so-called labor politics, and am heartily in accord with the view of the Central Executive Council on the pol- icy with regard to the third party Trace, My experience in the Workers Party is contrary to those in the So- cialist Party. In the first place I found that the average member of the W. P. is far and away ahead in the understanding of the class nature of capitalist society; understands better the Marxian analysis of capitalism; has consequently a better and more definite idea of the ultimate issue of the class struggle and is in general of a proletarian ideology, being largely composed of workers. Secondly, a very brave attempt is made at creating a strong disciplim and tho not universally successful as yet, has nevertheless attained a co: siderable degree of efficiency. The Workers Party in comparison to the Socialist Party is militancy 1 : And, last but not least, the Work- ers Party, being under the jurisdic- tion of the Communist International, is thereby assured an even and uni- versal tenor and an unyielding revo- lutionary level that is of the greatest importance and incalculable strength to us. Taking all the above agencies into account—first, the membership, then the local and national organization: with its growing discipline and knowl- edge; third, the tremendous guiding, restraining or encouraging influence exerted by the watchful Communist International—one feels that such an organization need not be afraid of be- ben ora or tempted away from its path. The W. P. can boldly enter into any Political venture it may think is go- ing to further its interest, for, at any moment, it can, when the necessity rises, cut adrift with organization un- aged and principle unsullied, Therefore I am for the policy of the party would be a very dangerous ex-/C. EB. C., because we go in with our eyes wide open; we have no illusions ‘way that it would swallow the Social-jor any other nice and honeyed at- fore, as a member of the 8, P., posed all and every alliance or function as Socialists we must educate our members to a derstanding of Socialism, so t may be able to withstand sure and temptation of the disinte- ist Party bag and baggage, and there-|tribute of a third or any other, except I op-ja real class conscious mass party as com- : ‘stag with other non-Socialistic |furth: I thought that the only way to pre- by the W. P. lectively, and if we can benefit by any if especially the ben- efits accruing to us will be greater than to our enemies, we go in—and when it will suit our purposes we will out. A definite policy that only well organized, well disci; , wich ee the W.'P., te tase belkioe lon THE PIED PIPER OF TAMMANY HALL and inheritance taxes and other is- sues, : But he shows his real position when he urges that the United States should get into the League of Nations, of the international bankers, and join the World Court, of the capitalist rul- ers everywhere. In discussing international relations, Gompers conveniently sidesteps the Morgan-Dawes plan for the enslave- ment of the workers of Germany. But Morgan is for “The League” and “The Court,” and in this he shakes hands with Gompers and the A. F. of L. officialdom. * T IS also significant that the Gomp- ers—A, F. of L, statement does not [take up the war against the Recogni- tion of Soviet Russia, This has been one of Gompers’ pet themes, violently stressed at all A. F. of L. conventions since Soviet Rule came into power in Russia, Under the high sounding declara- tion that “labor favors peace, oppos- es militarism and frowns upon pacif- ism,” phrases worthy of the late Woodrow ‘Wilson himself, Gompers ‘plays the game of Hughes, Hoover and other anti-Sovietists in the Cool- idge cabinet, who now openly admit that arms and munitions of war were furnished the counter-revolutionary generals, Yudenitch, Kolchak and oth- ers, in their attacks on the First Workers’ Republic. This is the kind of “peace” that Gompers favors. And since the furnishing of muni- tions to the white terror against Sov- iet Russia, is made the precedent for supplying the friends of J. Pierpont Morgan, in Cuba, Venezuela and other Latin-American countries, with simi- lar aid, it is significant that Gompers has nothing to say in this national campaign about the depredations of American imperialism in many help- less lands. But ‘Tammany Hall never did trouble itself with anything out- side the immediate problem of get- ting the votes and the jobs. se @ OMPERS and the A. F. of L. of- ficialdom have not offered the working class of this country a pro- gram on which it can wage an effec- tive fight. The program as announced is just as sterile as the document will be, that comes out of the July 4th gathering at Cleveland. ; The class program iipon which the workers and farmers of this country can unite this year will be drawn up and adopted at the St. Paul National Farmer-Labor convention, June 17th. It is in that direction that the latest proclamation of Mr. Gompers should turn new masses of America’s work- ers and farmers. coming, will be able to cary out with confidence and profit.—Fraternally yours, A. J. Lipshitz, Los Angeles, Nalifornia. a He Wants the Pictures. To the Editor of the DAILY WORKER: Your paper is doing good work in its reports on the I. L. G., Pullman, and the West Virginia strikes. Its articles coming from the front line trenches of action are well written, vivid and well edited, and are ‘a pleasure to read. But the paper lacks actual pictures of the battle. You speak of armed guards, of skirmishes between these hired thugs and the strikers on picket duty, but you are letting an opportunity go by when you fail to try and get actual pictures of them in print. Tom Tip- pet speaks of the miserable conditions in the tent colonies of struck mines in West Virginia. Why the hell doesn’t he also tell it to us in pic- tures? Others tell about the heart- rending scenes of weeping women and children before the mines in Brent- wood that engulfed their loved ones. But where are the pictures to sear the scene home in our brains? You tell ‘em! Your cartoons are good, and we should have many more of them. BUT THEY CANNOT TAKE THE PLACE OF THESE PICTURES! ' Well do I remember some of the old skirmishes that are ten and fif- teen years old now. Well:do I remem- ber the pictures of the workers’ strug- les that I gained thru the old Inter- national Socialist Review. Remem- ber their pictures of the Ludlow mas- sacre, the Hverett and ‘Wheatland outrages? Remember the pictures of the cold bodies of mine victims in its pages? Remember their expose of working conditons and strike battles thru pictures? ‘The old International Socialist Review got many of those Pictures in igite of all the capitalist class ‘could do to keep them away from it. And their work will never be forgotten. Ask any of the old read- ers of that magazine. Pictures increase circulation. That such @ third party make some head-|as to the morality, integrity, honesty the SACRAMENTO, Cal.—-The Knights of the Christian Crusaders, an organ- ization vowed to “white supremacy,” has filed articles of incorporation here. The organizers deny that the association is connected with the Ku with the sounds of their contention. Monday, May 12, 1924 AS WE SEE IT By T. J. O)FLAHERTY President Coolidge has cut the La- Follette faction of the Republican par- ty off from G. O. P. patronage. Sen- ator Lenroot, regular Republican sen- ator from Wisconsin will handle the jobs for the faithful from now on. “Patronage” is the glue which enables senators to stick to their seats so long, but it is doubtful if LaFollette can be jarred loose by even liberal use of the pork barrel. By the way, " this incident throws a searching light | on the purity of capitalist politics. | ay ae J One Chicago mule has more spirit than thousands of Chicago workers. He kicks when he is insulted, A street. cleaner, seeing a rather scrawny mule in a stable who ap- peared to be getting thinner day by day offered him some potatoes. The mule squinted at the proffered food but not seeing any gravy got awful mad, and made his hoofs indicate that he would not go back to a raw potato diet if-he had to remain food- { less for a wek, When he got thru with the argument, there was no stall, the stable manager was not all there and the street cleaner was extricating himself out a manure heap in which the angry mule deposited him. Charges were preferred against the animal at the police station but when it was learned that the mule hauled potatoes for eight years the .charges were dismissed. If the workers learned to kick like ‘that mule they would be considerably better off. se * The British Tory Party threaten to make war on the Labor Party—and drive it from office. They will select the abolition of taxes on foreign mo- tor cars, glassware and fabric gloves as the target for attack. While the Ramsay MacDonald government is re- actionary enough to suit most of the British business men the die hard Tories led by the Morning Post do not like the idea of seeing any kind of a Labor Party in office. It irritates them and makes them’ see visions of the day when the Communists will take over the government and make the bourgeoisie work or starve as the \ Bolsheviks did in Russia. Our Little Rows : (In Australian Worker.) Some members of the Labor Move- ment are deeply concerned about the fighting that is going on within its ranks. 2 I must confess I do not feel like that. In such a cause as ours, internal dissension cannot be avoided, and need not be feared when it comes. ‘We. can quarrel, and still preserve our unity. We can be convulsed with fratricidal passions, and nevertheless be ready, at the first intimation of a common danger, to stand together in unbroken and unbreakable solidarity. I don’t worry in the least when Comrade Smith declares that Com- rade Brown is an unmitigated scoun- drel, and Comrade Brown retorts that Comrade Smith is a rascal of the deepest dye. Each comrade gathers a faction round him, and the air is clamorous Never mind. Don’t grieve about it. Don’t think that all is lost be- cause of this domestic turmoil. It has its uses, brother. It shows that Labor possesses within itself that spirit of conflict without which « the world would never press forward. It shows that the fury of criticism which smashes old evils, and the en- ergy of discontent which creates new systems, are both existent within our camp. They are difficult to manage and control; sometimes they appear to overpower us, and we criticize each other savagely, and discontent ex- presses itself in internecine wrang- And is it not evident, bro- ther, that we need not dread stagna- tion when Capitalism is destroyed— when the myriad incentives of the class struggle no longer diversify ex- istence, and supply it with that im- pulsive force which is the guarantee of progress? Conflict as well as co-operation is \ essential to the higher evolution of : human society. i But when Labor is universally triumphant, and has no foe to fight, it won't decline for lack of combative exercise, for it Gan always be depend- ed upon to have a devil of a row with itself. : Do you see the point, brother? The Poor Fish Says: He would be in favor of a Farmer-Labor Party if it would take in the captains of in- dustry and the bankers who are really the best friends that the workers and farmers have, because give the workers jobs and loan the farmers money.