The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 26, 1924, Page 15

| “There will be a time when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle today!"— August Spies on the scaffold. * * * Capitalism is insanity, its voices come from madman throats, the hys- terical shrieks of homocide, the moans of the wounded, the mutter- ings of masses in despair... But clear and beautiful with the beauty of relentless purpose, there arises above all the discord of the voices of those workers who would be free, voices which inspire and direct the struggle; voices which call to arms. Because these voices were raised on May First, 1886, four workers were strangled to death in the Cook County Jail at Chicago. But tho these work- ers were strangled and the years have fled, their voices on this First of May, 1924, ring round the world! What did May First mean in 1886? Whose were these voices? ‘In what cause were they raised? Who strangl- ed them? The N. L,. U. Sells Out. For twenty years, since the Hight Hour Leagues joined in the first na- tion wide movement in the National Labor Union formed in 1886, an eight-hour day. But the N. L. U. was an undefined entity, directed by simple-minded or self-seeking lead- The first begged scornful capi- talist politicians for legislation, the latter sold out the workers. .Presi- dent Johnson lied to them, and tho eight-hour’ laws were passed in six states, they were never enforced. When this fraud was protested one governor answered that, “Every law is obligatory by its own nature and can derive no additional force from any act of mine.” The sacred “right of contract” was injected into the laws by providing that only “when the contract was silent” on the mat- ter of hours did the eight-hour pro- vision become. effective. Workers had to sign any contract presented if they wanted work—and there were hordes of unemployed. The soldiers who had fought to free the chattel slaves had merely created’ a fairly homogenous class of wage slaves and found themselves among it, ployed and starving. ers. unem- With ‘the inspiring exception of the successful strike of 100,000 building 1872, economis depression discourag- ed strikes and, naturally, the work- ers turned to politics; and, just as naturally, the theoretically ignorant, the organizationally mixed, divergent and inexperienced workers failed to accomplish anything. Even the so- called labor party formally started by the N. L. U. in 1872 was killed in the cradle by the treacherous leaders of the national trade unions with- drawing their -forces—leaving noth- ing but an ideal, a shadow; for the N. L. U. was a hopelessly mixed body of Hight-hour leagues, co-operatives, local unions, assemblies and national trade unions. Play Capitalist Politics. But, then as now, the “no politics” of the trade union leaders transform- ed itself into capitalist politics: their spokesman, H. J. Walls of the Iron Molders, who said in 1873 that his union withdrew from the N. L. U. be- cause the N, L. U. had “become a political organ,” himself played the game of capitalist politics so well that he was appointed by the Repub- licans as Commissioner of Labor for Ohio in 1877. It is necessary to understand the immaturity of the labor movement at time, as well as the savagery in representing its first unscien- efforts to ease its burden only little, to comprehend the great col- lision of social forces on the First of May, 1886, and how those who lead the workers’ struggle gave their lives to advance, if only by a step, the in- terests of the proletariat, labor a had fought futilely and pitifully for the Socialist Labor Party, which The 70’s were dark years for la- bor, Unemployment sent not only men by the tens of thousands to tram- ping the country, but women and girls. The unions were wrecked, wages were but a disguise for star- vation, blood flowed at the least sign of resistance, the Pinkerton gunme” and the murderous militia held bazk the blind rebellion. In March, 1876, Albert R. Parsons, who later died on the scaffold, joined the Social-Democratic Party, which became a part of the First Interna- tional, then crumbling in Europe but guided by Marxists in America. How this flaming .souled -type-setter, then a member of Typographical Union 16, was influenced by Marxian thought may. be seen by comparing the fol- lowing instruction issued by the In- ternational as guidance to its Chicago section, with Parsons own expres- sions: Said the International: » “The trade union: is the cradle of the labor movement, for working people naturally turn first to that which affects their daily life, and they consequently combine first. by trade, It therefore becomes the duty of the members of the International not merely to assist the existing unions and to internationalize them, but also to establish new ones, Eco- nomic conditions were driving the trade union from the economic to the political struggle against the pro- pertied classes,” The Social Democrati¢ Party faded nominated Parsons for president in 1879. But we find Parsons writing from prison in 1886, in the same lan- guage as that used today by the Com- munists in the unions: “Examination of the class strug- gle demonstrate that the _ eight- hour movement was doomed to de- feat. But the International gave its support to it for two reasons. First, because it was a class move- ment, therefore historical, evolu- tionary and necessary; secondly, because we did not choose to stand aloof and be misunderstood by our fellow-workers. We therefore gave it all aid. I was regularly accredit- ed by the Central Labor Union, rep- resenting 20,000 organized work- men in Chicago, to assist in orga- nization of unions and do all in my power for ment.” We can understand why, tho the “International”, Parsons: here refers to probably was the s@called “Anar- chist International” then following the First International. into oblivion, the Marxian revolutionists claim Parsons and his fellows as their own. * * * The traditions of the 70’s were working in the struggle of 1886. The wave of general strikes of 1877 was witnessed by Parsons and the rest. the eight-hour move- Battles were fought by workers against murderous Pinkertons and, in Pittsburgh, workers enraged by slaughter of thirty strikers by the mi- litia, first besieged the soldiery then drove them from the city. In St. Louis a workers committee ruled the city for a week. At Chicago the police clubbed and shot workers wantonly. The Militia fired into crowds without compunction. Parsons addressed meetings of 40,000. He was then Pre- sident of the Chicago Labor As- sembly—its first president. In 1879, when Parsons’ group called for cele- bration of the Paris Commune, 60,000 people responded. : * » * “Now, men, I warn you, that if you do not go to work at once for a $1.50 a day, the military will be sent here to compel you.” So said the Sheriff of Cook County to striking workers in 1885, and this exemplifies the reck- less repression used by the capitalists in those years. “Such treatment,” says Parsons, “Would of necessity drive the workingmen to employ the same method.” It would. Group of workers, armed for self- defense, sprung up everywhere. The Sunday before May Day in 1886, Par- sons spoke at Cincinnati at a great eight-hour demonstration. Thousands marched in a parade headed by two or three organized companies of workers armed with Winchester rifles under the red flag. A rising tide...! * * * The reason was that both national labor bodies had, in 1884, declared that on and after May 1, 1886, eight hours should constitute a day’s work and that a general strike should de- mand it. Enthusiasm reigned—600,- 000 poured into the unions in the first four months of 1886. Gompers in the old Federation was opposed, and Powderly of the Knights of Labor was indifferent; but workers every where believed—and Parsons and his comrades were with the masses. The great strike broke on May Day 1886. Parsons says 360,000 struck, others say 200,000; 40,000 in Chicago. May 3rd, police fired on strikers, kil- ling one, wounding several.. At a pro- test meeting next day at the Hay- market, some unknown person threw a bomb, when the police attacked the crowd, killing seven policemen. Tho the murder of workers was an everyday occurrence, the press sud- denly went frantic over the dead police; the Chicdgo Tribune and Times drove the “better classes” in- to frenzy. Police “found” bombs everywhere. Tho not one of the seven men who were arrested, or Parsons, who surrendered voluntari- ly, had been at the meeting when the bomb was thrown, all were pronounc- ed guilty after a farcial trial. Three were commuted and pardoned after seven years. Louis Ling robbed the EMPHASIS ON COMMUNIST EDUCATION (Continued from Page Four.) form not only in Russia but also in Germany and is being proved so in other countries. The organizational and political roots of the Party must be in the shops, where the real life of the worker revolves. The shop unit lends ‘itself splendidly to work among the masses of workers. The shop unit is the political pivot around which the Party work will turn. In this the life of the workers as it ap- pears at first hand can be keenly and understandingly discussed and the lessons drawn therefrom. The mem- bers organized politically in the shops, factories, etc., can be mobilized immediately for any campaign of the Party. It is essential that the Party take up more avidly the matter of re- organizing and organizing the Party on the basis of shop units, since they will be the greatest stimulus to po- litical and industrial activity. The Party is in a very healthy con- dition. It has carried on a great po- litical and industrial activity; it has grown and gained strength. Branches are being organized daily. The Party is virile and alive. That makes it all the more necessary for the Party to look itself over and see what are its most pressing needs at the moment. The Party has great political influ- ence and is growing, but it is neces- sary to start a huge organization cam- paign to develop its strength to meet its political influence. It is essential, therefore, also to raise the Commun- ist understanding of the membership to meet its greater political, indus- trial and organizational work. Intensify and organize Communist education in the Party; increase it manifold thru the starting of sys- tematic education in the branches, cities and districts. The Party must make a great organization drive to draw in thousands more of the ex- ploited wage earners and exploited farmers. The present Central Execu- tive Committee of the Party is fully aware of these problems and is taking the steps to effect a more intense edu- cation of the membership, to organize more of the workers under the Com- munist influence into the Party. The Central Executive Committee is try- ing to lay the proper emphasis on each phase of Party activity: politi- cal, industrial, educational, organiza- tional; and to co-ordinate these as one unit and thus carry out the Party policies’ with thoro understanding of its strength, influence and possibili- ties, 34 , he Voice of May Da | By Harrison George hangmen. Albert R. Parsons, August Spies, Adolph Fischer and George En- gel were hanged on, November 11 1887, From under the hood on that morn- ing came the cry of Parsons, cut short by the crash of the death trap: “Will I be allowed to speak, O men of America? Let me speak, Sheriff! Let the voice of the people be heard! Oh...1” * * * Sleep, my murdered Comrade! Sleep! Your life, your words, your deeds, your death, are today being told around the world. Your tongue was silenced, but your voice, the voice of the proletariat is raised today in every land, in every clime— in the chant of The Internationale. The flags they march under are red, my comrade, and—led by the Com- munist International—they march to victory! You Should . READ The Valley Of Enna And Other Poems and Modern Plays Price, $2.50 AND The Education of Ernest Wilmerding A Story of Social and Labor Unrest Price, $2.00 Both Books By E. C. 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