The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 19, 1924, Page 5

“The idea becomes power when it pene- trates the masses.” —Karl Marx. SPECIAL MAGAZINE SUPPLEMENT THE DAILY WORKER. SECOND SECTION April 19, 1924 This magazine supple- ment will appear every Saturday in The Daily Worker, Where Do You Stand On June 17th? By ALEXANDER BITTELMAN, This question should be addressed to every leader of labor in the coun- try and to everyone who claims to represent the interests of the exploit- ed farmers. Now is the time for each organization of workers. and poor farmers to take a definite stand on the convention of June 17th in the Twin Cities, which is to cement and consolidate the farmer-labor forces of the country for an indepen- dent political struggle against the domination of capital and its serv- ants in the government. Now more than ever is the time for positive commitments on this momentous. is- sue in the life of the oppressed masses of America, Where do you stand? It is no longer the old abstract proposition of independent political action versus nonpartisan politics of the kind practiced by Gompers and the C. P. P. A. Nor is it a mere mat- ter of preference, taste or desire. No, it is a perfectly concrete, defi- nite and practical problem that is now confronting the workers and ex- ploited farmers. It is the problem of June 17th or July 4th. Which do you choose? And remember: there isn‘t must time left for making up one’s mind. In another few weeks the workers and poor farmers of America will have to take action. They will have to decide in which of the two gath- efings—June 17 in the Twin Cities or July 4 ig Cleveland—-they will par- ticipate. Hence, the immediate ne- cessity of placing this question on the agenda of all organizations of workers and poor farmers. ._ A Third Party or a Labor Party. Of course, a class farmer-labor party, this is what the workers and exploited farmers need. A party of their own. A political instrument for their own battles. A means to further their own interests as against the interests of the exploiting and ruling classes. — . Who will undertake to challenge or disprove this contention? Only those who don’t give a damn for the interests and well-being of the work- ers and exploited farmers; only those who are consciously 6r uncon- sciously working for the promotion of the interests of capital, big and small. In short, only those who rep- resent interests other than the in- terests of the workers and exploited .farmers will deny the imperative ne- cessity of a class farmer-labor party. This pressing need of a class farm- er-labor party is not of recent origin. It has been with us for many and many years, practically since this republic of ours was established. But even Gompers was compelled to con- gratulate Magnus Johnson from Min- nesota on his election to the Senate, in spite of the fact that the election of Magnus Johnson was the result of a third’ party movement, which is clearly at variance with the political “philosophy” of this same Gompers. This, of course, is not the most sig- nificant symptom of the times. With Gompers it means very little after all. Regardless of what he may feel com- pelled to say at one time or another, he is positively hopeless from the point of view of progressive develop- ments in the American labor move- ment. But there is another case which is of much more significance, It is, namely, the result of the last confer- ence of the C. P. P. A. in St. Louis. The leaders of the 16 standard rail- road unions, who mostly compose and completely dominate the Conference for Progressive Political Action, came to St. Louis to endorse William G. Mc- Adoo as the presidential nominee of the Democratic party. This decision was to be the crowning act of a year or more of nonpartisan “progressive” political action, whatever that may mean, But the gods of politics (and the developments of the class struggle) willed differently. It was not to be McAdoo, not in St. Lous. The presi- dents of the railroad unions could not —don’t you see, they couldn’t—en- dorse McAdoo after it has been pub- licly. proven that he had been on the pay roll of Doheny, one of the biggest oil magnates in the country. Did the presidents of the railroad unions, which is the C. P. P. A,, suf- fer a change of heart because of these developments? Not at all. Neither a change of heart, nor a _ change of mind. The same old thing. Which is best proven by the fact that most of the presidents of the railroad unions, who did not dare to endorse McAdoo in St. Louis, gave him their endorsement in Chicago only a few days subsequent to the St. Louis gathering. While in St. Louis, however, they merely delivered and listened to speeches, applauded vigorously all the fine sentiments of Morris Hillquit, and decided to hold another confer- ence on July 4, in Cleveland. Speaking again of the virtue of events and developments to compel ac- tion, here is a case. The C, P. P. A. has been cleanly and expressedly a non-partisan proposition in the sense of supporting “good” men on the tick- ets of the two old parties. It was going to complete this policy by en- dorsing McAdoo on the ticket of the Democratic party. The interference of events prevented this from happen- ing. What is to come next? To answer this question is to de- fine the present nature and political never, never as yet in the history of|tendencies of the C. P. P, A. and of the country were conditions so ripe and favorable for the realization bf such a party. And, furthermore, nev- ~er was there so much at stake for the life interests of the oppressed masses depending upon the immediate and successful formation of a mass farm- er-labor party. Who will deny this? ‘The C. P. P. A. and July 4. “Much of what has been said be- fore will no doubt be accepted as true by quite a number of leaders of labor and exploited farmers. Which is prog- ress, indeed. For there was a time, and not very long ago, when the non- partisan bunk of Sam Gompers, and the newer edition of the same thing by the C. P. P. A., were practically dominating the American labor move- ment. Happily this is no longer the case. Social and political events have the great virtue of compelling action, if not always understanding and sym- pathy, And so it came about that its conference of July 4\in Cleveland. The answer is: that at and after the conference in St. Louis the C. P. P, A. has taken a definite turn in the direc- tion of a third party. Which means, in other words, that the C. P. P. A, at its conference in Cleveland on July: 4, may under certain conditions throw In the Ma Don’t Miss It! gazine Section of the DAILY WORKER, today, we start in its lot with a third party—bour- geois liberal party. ~ > This eventuality is by no means absolutely certafi. It must be borne in mind that many of the leaders of the C. P. P. A. are so completely and intimately bound up with the old cap- italist parties that nothing can divorce them from these parties. Many of the leaders of the railroad unions will stick to the old parties to the very end, And again we must not lose sight of the fact that the strategy of Sena- tor LaFollette and his group will have a determining effect upon the whole third party movement as far as the coming elections are concerned. Which means—what? That the C. P. P. A. and its conference of July 4 are totally at the mercy of the plans, pol- icies and tactics of the LaFollette group. From Words to Action. _ The only thing that can, therefore, be said with any degree of certainty about the C. P. P. A, and its confer- ence of July 4 is this: that it is mov- ing in the direction of a third party; that it finds itself in the wake and not in the lead of this movement; and that, in spite of the fact that it is made up mostly of labor unions, it is completely dominated by petty bourgeois liberal ideology. A Movement of Leaders. The C. P. P. A. is a movement of leaders and not of the rank and file. This, too, determines its nature. And here we are not arguing against lead- ers in general, but against a certain kind of relationship between labor leaders and the rank and file of their organizations. We want the rank and file of labor and of: the exploited farmers to consciously mould and cre- ate their own movement. We wan them to put the stamp of their suffer- ings, needs and desires upon the pol- icies and actions of their organiza- tions. We are conscious of the fact that the rank and file in the shops, factories, mines, railroads and on the farms are much more alive to the needs of the working masses than are the well-paid and comfortable officials of the labor and farmer organizations. The C. P. P. A. does not reflect the state of mind of the rank and file, nor does it respond to their desires. The leaders of the C. P. P. A. are afraid of the rank and file. They don’t want them. Proof? Why, take the make-, up ‘of all the national conferences ‘of the C. P. P. A, the basis of repre- sentation. And what do we find? Everybody is welcome to these con- ferences: presidents, vice-presidents and other high officials of labor unions, professional politicians of all kinds and sorts; in a word, everybody but the direct representatives of the rank and file—delegates. elected by local unions and local_ organizations of exploited farmers. These are not wanted, It will be well to remember that the leaders of the C. P. P. A. have adopted such a basis of represe- sentation to their July 4 conference which excludes from participation all delegates from local unions. In view of all this, what is to be expected of the July 4 conference in Cleveland? At most a continuation of the non-partisan bunk of Sam Gompers. At best a hip-hip-hooray explosion in favor of a petty- bour- geois third party candidate for presi- dent. If the former happens, the So- cialist party and a few more delegates may split away from the conference. If, on the other hand, the latter takes place, some of the die-hard reaction- aries may split away. But whatever happens, no farmer-labor party can re- sult of the conference of July 4. June 17 the Only Instrument. To bring about a consolidation of to the convention of June 17 in the Twin Cities. In the first place this convention is being called by the politically organ- ized elements of the workers and ex- ploited farmers—by the Farmer-Labor Party movement of the United States. It is predominantly a class movement for a class party. In the second place this is/a rank and file movement which is going to produce a rank and file convention. If at any time any- where in the United States there was a gathering capable of producing a united and strong political movement of workers and exploited farmers, such a gathering will take place in the Twin Cities on June 17, In addition to international unions, state and city central labor bodies, national and lo- cal organizations of exploited farmers, all existing farmer-labor parties, other working class political parties, na- tional and local fraternal. organiza- tions of labor and co-operatives—in addition to all these, every local union will be called upon to send delegates to the June 17 convention. Now is the time to pass over from words to action. In saying this we are particularly mindful of those labor leaders and labor organizations which are theoretically in favor of a class party of workers and exploited farm- ers, and do make the distinction be- tween a third party and a labor party. We might refer, by way of example, to the Amalgamated Clothing Work- ers of America, whose official organ, the “Advance,” carried in its issue of March 27 an editorial in favor of a labor party. The-editorial ig signifi- cantly entitled ‘Labor Party. Not a Third Party,” and concludes by say- ing that: ‘ “To cope with those evils ‘(in our industrial system) the workers must have their own labor party. No other party could or would do it.” Correct. Only a farmer-labor party and not a third petty bourgeois party .can or will effectively tackle the prob- lems of the oppressed masses and lead successfully their struggles. This is true. But what does-it mean concretely? Under the present con- ditions and on the eve of two conven- tions, June 17 and July 4? If it means anything at all, it means this: that every labor organization must participate in the convention of June 17 and not in the conference of July 4. This the official organ of the Amalgamated Clothing Workers failed to say, whereas--without this conclu- sion no amount‘of professions and ex- pressiong in favor of a labor party will have any practical meaning. The left wing of the American la- bor movement has at present a seri- ous duty to perform. It must awaken the rank and file workers and exploit- ed farmers to the significance of the June 17 convention. It must. make it clear even to the backward masses that the call-of the hour is the class farmer-labor party. This party may, the farmer-labor forces, we must turn ° the publication serially, of the great work, “At the Doors,” by Boris Pilniak, another famous Ruégsian author, greater than lury Libedinsky, author of “A Week,” published recently. “At the Doors” will appear in three installments, to be published on three successive Saturdays. Be sure to make your arrangements with the news dealer to get your copy regularly. In order to be sure to get your paper, better subscribe. Our new address is: DAILY; WORKER, 1113 W. Washington: Blvd., Chicago, Ilinois. under certain conditons, co-operate with or even support the candidates of a third party. But the primary condi- tion for this as for everyttiing. else is first and foremost the consolidation of the farmer-labor forces into an inde- pendent and distinct party of their own, Hence, the convention of June 17, ‘