The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 17, 1924, Page 6

Page Six a THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKDR PUBLISHING CO., 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Monroe 4712) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mall: ..6 months $2.00...8 months By mail Chicago only): $8.00 per year $4.50....6 months $2.50....8 months Ieee ee aialonpecertespeemennssenmesenne Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1113 W. Washington Bivd. $6.00 per year $3.5 Chicago, IlInols J. LOUIS ENGDAHL ) WILLIAM F. DUNNE) MORITZ J. LOBB.... Editors Business Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 8, 1879. E> 290 Advertising rates on application. ———————————— Two Views of The State The state exists primarily to safeguard the fun- damental rights of all the people. There will always be confiloting human rights within the state which must be adjusted, Such adjustments will require that the strong help bear the burdens of the weak. The above gem of thought is the product of the brain of Governor Sweet of Colorado, quoted approvingly by the Locomotive Engineers Journal, and is typical of the line of reasoning followed by class collaborationists in all climes. It is the most dangerous untruth ever foisted upon the working class and if believed by them will inevita- bly strip them of all power of resistance to the insistent demands of the rulingclass. ‘ History shows that the state came into existence to protect the interests of a privileged class and from its embryonic form to the complex mechan- icism it has become today its function has been not to “safeguard the rights of all the people” but to safeguard the rights of a minority class of slave-holders or landlords or capitalists. The ad- justments are made, not on the basis of the strong bearing the burdens of the weak but by the pos- sessors of power enforcing their rule upon the weaker and less well organized group. The slave state, the feudal state, the capitalist state, are all forms of government produced by the clash of historical forces and mark certain epochs in which a particular form of production obtained. Not one of these forms of governments have ever considered the rights of human beings as such—as a matter of fact no such rights exist— but only the rights of the rulingclass. Whenever the suppressed majority has discov- ered the fiction of impartial government in pre- vious periods they have overthrown that form of government and set up a new one having, ap- parently: at least, a broader base. The capitalist system came into being thru this process and its mantle of impartiality is being _..._rentand torn in many places today. Thru the Eee openings the working class is getting glimpses of its real character as a class institution. This is the cause of great worry not only to big capitalists but to the lower strata of business and professional men among whom are some of the type called liberal. They are quite valuable to the capitalists in that they serve to disguise the real nature of the capitalist state and make it harder for the workers to arrive at the correct con- clusion concerning its class nature. No entry of this type of individual jnto positions of power in capitalist government has made any changes in the function of the state but in most countries it seems to be a necessary part of the process of disillusioning the working class. In America the Communists alone understand this and it is with no illusions concerning the treacherous nature of the believers in the state as an agency of justice and conciliation that they support these temporary rebels against the big capitalists and financiers in movements such as the Farmer-Labor party where are found also large masses of workers and farmers who by their position as members of the working class can and will carry on a struggle for a workers’ and farm- ers’ government that will be no more impartial than any other state power but will openly pro- tect. the interest of the working masses against the former rulers. Our Quivering Progressives Reports emanating from Washington indicate a further retreat and surrender by the so-called progressive senators of republican and democratic stripe. After a conference with the new Attorney General Stone, such self-style> energetic insur- gents as Wheeler and Brookhart are reported to have expressed “satisfaction and kind words for the successor to Harry M. Daugherty.” This news does surprise us. We have for some time watched the antics of the Borahs, the Wheel- ers, the Brookharts and the LaFollettes in turning their backs at the decisive moment on the very proposals they have initiated themselves. spokesman for the class interests of the small owners, Senator Borah championed the cause of Soviet Russian recognition until he felt that fur- ther pressure in this direction on his part might “embarass” the Coolidge Administration, the mouthpiece of the biggest financial and industrial interests of the country. Hence, the Borah com- mittee on Russian relations was allowed, by Borah himself, to die thru atrophy. Wheeler and Brookhart, as spokesmen of prac- tically the same economic class interests, are fol- lowing precisely the same policy of wretched re- treat pursued by Borah and so characteristic of their class in all decisive class conflicts. Their present hesitation and wavering in the investiga- tion of the department of justice are only the pre- lude to a complete cessation of the investigation of the department of justice. Brookhart and Wheeler have steadfastly refused to make public the criminal activities of the Burns Detective Agency and the department of justice against the workers and the Hoover campaign for Yudenitch for fear of being branded “reds” and Communists by the big business interests. The present signs of curtailing the entire investigation naturally follow from this policy of cringing before the mailed fist of the powerful financial interests. The so-called progressives dominating the in- vestigation of the department of justice have cen- tered their attack on prohibition scandals. This is the weakest possible line of attack that these self-labelled insurgents could have chosen. The first reply of the average man on the street to- wards this attack on the Daugherty regime is to blame prohibition and not the department of jus- tice. The policy about to be assumed by Wheeler and Brookhart of trusting the new Morgan attor- ney-general in the investigation of his department is simply a continuation of the whole plan of the progressives te avoid sharp conflicts with the big capitalist interests at moments of decision. For the working and farming classes of the country the cringing exhibition of the quivering progressives in Washington is an object lesson of extreme importance. More Mussolinis The usual calm and dispassionate Wall Street Journal has managed to work itself up to a pitch of excitement and irritation over what it charges to be a deliberate misrepresentation or an unfor- tunate misunderstanding of a recent article in its columns by Guy Walker calling for an American Mussolini. It so happens that the DAILY WORKER was one of the few newspapers that took up this chal. lenge of the reactionary capitalist interests and flung it back in their teeth with an admonition to the workers and poor farmers to get on the job and teach the exploiters their long overdue and much-deserved lesson. In its heated reply the noted oracle of American finance and industrial capital denies that Walk- er’s article could honestly have been construed for an appeal for a march of American Black- shirts on Washington. It is not our task to em- ploy a seismograph to measure the tremors of Fascisti intentions in the brain of Mr. Walker who, judging from the character of his book, “The Things That* Are Caesar’s,” is afflicted with a marked tendency towards brain-storms. When Mr. Walker declared, “Surely there is somewhere in America a Mussolini to lead the American Blackshirts to Washington,” we assumed he meant business. But now the conclusion of the poignant defense of the Wall Street Journal is even more enlight- ening and important. This celebrated organ of the biggest capitalists goes Mr. Walker leagues better. Since the Wall Street Journal is inter- nationally recognized as an authorized spokes- man for the business interests, we assume that it also means business when it says in its reply to the attack on Walker: “By all means give us forty-eight Mussolinis, and let us pray that we have in Washington a forty-ninth now leading the people in the direction of sanity and savings.” This is plain talk from a source that is not ac- customed to mincing words. It is an appeal to the hired gangster and black elements of the capi- talist class to be ready to leap at the throats of the workers and poor farmers as the Fascisti have done in Spain, Italy and Germany. The American working masses believe that to be forewarned is to be forearmed. Pinchot’s Progressivism Governor Pinchot of Pennsylvania, another idol of the “progressives” has shaken hands with Presi- dent Coolidge and in the interest of harmony with- in the republican party has put the sacred ikon of progressivism back in the cabinet until a greater emergency arises. It is upon a rather weak foundation that the progressive reputation of Governor Gifford Pin- chot rests. -He is a survival of the Bull Moose movement and has been carrying on the Roosevelt tradition—whatever that is. : In Pennsylvania he is for a strict, enforcement of the prohibition law but if there is any wetter territory than his home state, it lies outside the THE DAILY WORKER The partial victory of the British dockers presents new problems in the struggle of Transport Workers. In- stead of a more definite victory, ap- parently within the grasp of the dock- ers, the guaranteed weekly wage was relinquished for another “enquiry.” Also instead of using the marvelous solidarity of the dockers to achieve the full benefit they have received —and will receive a probable shilling on June 2nd, However, we do not under-estimate the value of this fight to the whole trade union movement. Its stimulating effect should surpass all previous victories. It has turned the defensive action into an offensive fight. The dockers have won from this point of view and will win a com- plete victory if they prepare to use direct action on a@ greater scale on June 2nd. Government and Strike. We cannot pass without comment upon the pressure used by the La- bor Government to end the strike quickly. It also needs to be pointed out that the terms of settlement were urged and inspired by the Minister of Labor; and that Ramsay MacDon- ald made appeals for remembrance of the Labor Government. As Ernest Bevin said when urging acceptance at the Minister of Labor: “In fact it has been urged upon all the Labor Movement that one of the difficulties we had to count against was the em- barrassing position of the Labor Gov- ernment in the first hours of its task. We have been appealed to by our friends to be careful as to the use of the Industrial machine, but all the time the employers forced us on towards strike action.” He stated further “The advent of a Labor Gov- ernment not only imposes its respon- sibilities and advantages but it im- poses its handicaps as well” Speak- ing of the terms of settlement Bevin said “the employers came down from the July position to June 2nd., which was originally suggested by the Min- ister of Labor.” It is clear that both the Govern- ment and the Unions’ Negotiating Committee were thinking in terms of an immediate settlement instead of how to extend the fight and win the full demands. The Government be- >,” s ing faced with the responsibility of distributing the mail and foodstuffs approached the position from a pure- ly capitalistic point of view. There was no mention of command- eering the docks and giving over the administration to the unions and im- mediately granting the demands for two pence a day. Neither did they consider that food supplies should only go to the workers and thru the co-operative society. The union officials did not think it was neces- sary to demand that the forces at the command of the Government should be used to win the full de- mands of the strikers, and therefore, to be used against the capitalists. Of course, some workers will think these are opinions of extremists. But this will have to be done some time by a workers’ Government; so why not at the first opportunity? The most important demand of the dockers—the guaranteed week— is a bigger problem to the bosses than granting the two pence. They want to maintain a surplus supply of labor around the dock gates and offices. They care not how we exist so long as we are there when they need us. And it is because of this that they have consistently refused to put into operation the recommen- dations of the Shaw Report of Jan- uary,-1920, The Report signed by a majority says:—‘The court is of the opinion that the time has arrived when the industry out of which the Payment of wages will come must also bear a charge in respect to main- tenance of unemployed casuals.” Verbose Report, They give in the report a reason for this decision as follows:—“The Court is of opinion that labor fre- quently or constantly under-employ- ed is injurious to the interests of the workers, the ports, and the pub- lic, and that it is discreditable to society. It undermines security and it is apt to undermine all self re- spect upon the workers part. It is only among those who have sunk very far, and whom the system itself may have demoralized that it can be ac- cepted as a working substitute for steady and assured employment.” Now the “Court” will “sit” again and unless we as dockers and transport workers present a united front, we A LIBERAL’S HOPE Two Book Reviews By ESTHER LOWELL The Education of Ernest Wilmer- ding ($2.00). The Valley of Enna and Other Poems and Modern Plays ($2.50). By Edward Chichester Wentworth. (Covici-McGee Co.) Coue’s flare flashed thru‘this coun- try and was forgotten, leaving its de- votees as much in the dark as ever. But it must have been during the brightest period of the French Bar- num’s influence that Edward Chiches- ter Wentworth wrote his autobiogra- phical novel “The Education of Ernest Wilmerding.” In the Epilogue of the book Ernest is at his century mark, 1959, and re- views the changes society has gone thru before achieving the near-mille- nium of that year. He recalls how the people of America got wise to psy- derelicts.” The one per cent is “indi- visible, and therefore a compelling force that will slowly but surely as- sert itself.” The one per centers, no Bodenheim-Jack Jones-Wentworth et al. crowd who preen their feathers in print as the intelligenzia of the coun- try. Some of the gang conceal their idealism more ingenuously than Mr. Wentworth with sarcastic cynicism. Haymarket Riot. Anyone interested in the spiritual life of a young man_-will find the “Edu- cation of Ernest Wilmerding” the re- cord of an adolescent idealist’s growth. The part of the book that holds anything for the rest of us is the section dealing with the Haymar- ket riots of 1886 here in Chicago. Mr. Wentworth draws a graphic and fair- ly accurate picture of the events. But for that matter, Floyd Dell has excel- lent factual account ‘in volume 2 of “Chicago: Its History and Its Buil- chology as a result of the war propa- ganda of 1914 which turned a peace- ful nation to warring. “And so, when things got a little nearer to the break- ing point the slogan went out from mouth to mouth: ‘Every day in every way we are a little nearer the revo- lution,’ and in this way multitudes commenced to believe it as a possi- | bility.” Why on earth hasn’t Mr. Went- worth started his endless chain of “Every day in Every way,” or perhaps he has and a lot of us are still missing links. Usual Liberal Hokum. Mr, Wentworth has the usual Libe- wal hope in the sole regenerating in- fluence of ideas. He looks for a quiet change in human nature; human sel- fishness wearing itself out. He is the idealist, opposed to the materialist who argues that physical conditions, economic and industrial, control thought. The materialist tells the idealist that human nature will not change until the material conditions territorial confines of the United States; en-|‘°te?mining it are different. courages the militarization of police forces osten bly for this reason so he has not abolished the state constabulary. He poses as a friend of labor but Jacob Dolla, steel striker, has been in jail since 1919—railroaded on framed-up evidence— and Israel Blankenstein of the Workers Party is serving a long sentence for violation of the crimi- nal syndicalism law. Pinchot has vigorously de- nounced thé persecution of individuals for their As a|political beliefs and labor activities but these workers are still in jail. The liberal doctrine has'no place for the class struggle but by keeping carefully away from issues that really matter the Pinchot type admits its hos- tility to the working class movement. No May Day celebration will be complete in the United States without the distribution of a bundle of this year’s May Day issue of the DAILY WORKER. Will you make your May Day celebra- tion complete? The new Thaw developments in a Philadelphia courtroom disclose very completely the ..fe of a parasite under American capitalism, How kod Se like it? In the play “The Growing Dawn,” included in the volume of verse, Mr. Wentworth has one of.his characters divide sotiety into the one per cent against the ninety and nine. The lat- ter is composed of four groups: the patrici “noble army of social mil- the bourgeois, “‘selfmade the proletariat; and the The Poor Fish says he can’t under- stand why “so many working people are for the recognition of Soviet Rus- sja when everyone knows that the ra have no perpert for property ders” (1912, S. J. Clarke Publishing Co.) in the chapter: Americanism in Chicago.” The poetry of Mr. Wentworth pleads guilty to that fault, described (I be- lieve) by Max Eastman in “The En- joyment of Poetry;” of genuine emo- tion expressed in ordinary words. The very essence of poetry is the peculiar- ly apt selection of sounds which con- vey the meaning—When the oldest phrases are used to voice the emo- tion, no matter how strong and sin- cere the feeling is, no poem is born. “Shedding tears”, no matter how copiously, does not reveal the poig- nancy of regret or grief, “The Spirit of the Lower North Side” is the other play in the volume of verse. It brings together nume- rous well-known characters, including Jim Larkin, the “Sirfesser,” and some of the Dill Picklers, each selling forth his vision. Mr. Wentworth has well chosen the name “Ernest” for his mirrored self. He is tolerant and generously sympa- thetic (with the slightly superior at- titude those qualities imply) “ and would never fail to fight for our civil liberties. If his writing does not have the ring of common speech, it is be- cause Mr, Wentworth has lived in the world of music and art and culture and has seen life thru others’ vsion. His sincere devotion to idealism is evident in his support of hopeful young artistic ventures in Chicago, A BRITISH EXPOSURE OF AMERICAN OPPRESSION. Bloody American Capitalism, Its Murder of Labour; By Joe Walke: With foreword by W. T. Colyer. The Socialist and Labour Press. Re- formers’ Bookshop, 103 Kirkgate, Bradford, and from Author. Price, Six- pence. This booklet should receive a wide circulation among British workers, It presents a picture of conditions in the United States, which, if they were not thoroly authenticated, would hardly be credited by readers in Great Britain, The pamphlet is a col- lection of articles contributed by the author to the Yorkshire Factory Times, and contains vivid accounts of the violent attacks Pecos by the arm- ed forces of the United X ‘ “Socialism and|_ “straggling and struggling hol polloi, the unskilled and uncivilized.army of doubt, are the Mencken-Nathan-Hecht ‘States and | gislation Review, LESSONS OF THE DOCK STRIKE shall hear again how we are apt to lose all “self-respect” without any re- sults arising out of the enquiry. We will only have lost this strike if we ignore the obvious. More and more men were involved the longer the strike lasted. 10,000 carmen were out in London alone—a purely sympa- thetic strike—and varyzng numbers at all other ports. They refused to blackleg. With few exceptions thru- out the Transport industry men were forced to strike. The railway Engineer who refused to haul first-class passengers’ luggage from Southampton to London must be congratulated. But if the seamen had not done dockers’ work by land- ing the luggage the clerical staffs would have had no chance to scab and there would not have been any immediaté effect on the Engineer. The reports of ships being diverted to. continental ports after having ar- rived wouid have never appeared if lock-gates had remained closed against them, and tug-boat-men had presented their demands also and struck nationally. The reason for these serious incidents is because we are still too much divided with too many unions. That there is room only for one union in one industry is proven conclusivaly. All the unions organizing waterside workers outside the union that is strong enough to make the only na- tional settlement recognized, should immediately face the fact and relin- quish or return to membership in the most powerful union. This applies especially to Railwaynien; Dockers and Seamen. International Outlook. As for road Transport 200 or more agreements must be scrapped and a natonal basis established for all fu- ture negotiations. We are aware of the many grades, but as in other industries the grades can be classi- fied nationally no matter how many there are or how varied the condi- tions. This must be done before na- tional pressure can »e brought to bear upon the employers who are all organized nationally. Not only must we learn from the dock strike that all transport work- ers must be in a departmentalized in- dustrial union. It has been demon- strated that not only must the Brit- Thursday, April 17, 1924 By GEORGE HARDY. ish workers abandon their insular outlook but the whole of the continen- tal proletariat must begin to reason internationally. The Postmaster General, a coal miner, Verrion Hartshorn, told in Par- liament, when questioned as to mail transfers, how he had made arrange- ments to convey the mail to Marseil- les and meet the very boat that could not receive them because of determ- ined dockers on picket duty at Til- bury Docks, London. This proves that our Union move ment must not only be one nation- ally, but also internationally. Here is @ case where British Union railway- men would be expected to land these mails at‘a channel port; scabs would be got to load them; and union sea- men would be expected to continue work and loyally take the mails to France, which would erffible Frepgh Union railwaymen to land them @t Marseilles, and good British Uaton Seamen again would nelp to keep the P and O Line running while the dock- ers of Great Britain were fighting the same shipowners and trying to dis- establish themselves from poverty and the demoralizing system of casual labor, which afflicts all who would be consciously or unconsciously helping the enemy. So we must have a Unit- ed International of all Transport Workers based upon the principles of the R. 1 L. U. Thruout the British Isles, and also in every other country the militants must organize. Think of the advan- tages of a directing policy if we had had in every port a unit of the Na tional Transport Workers’ Solidarity Committee during the dock dispute, Instead of those who were dissatis- fied with the termination of the strike having varying points of view, all would have had a national under- standing and only one policy put for- ward in every port. To enforce demands on June 2nd, and to hurry up the inquiry into the guaranteed week, also to get a fa vorable decision granting full matn- tenance, let’s organize a local T. W. S. C. upon a permanent basis. Pre- pare to not only get more wages, etc., but on with the abolition of cap- italism and the establishment of an industrial and political administration by the workers. by private armies of gunmen, upon the workers. Mr. Walker goes as far back as the historical conflict of Couer d’Alene and Calumet. He gives us short, but detailed narratives illus- trational of the complete subordina- tion of the American judiciary to the Plans of the capitalists. The material is drawn from various sources, all of which are acknowledg- ed by the compiler. At the present time, with Mooney and Billings still in prison, and with hundreds of work- ing men in the penitentiaries of Cali- fornia, and other states, convicted under the infamous Criminal Syndi- calist Acts, it is well that we should have the opportunity for this com- prehensive view of the workings of the Iron Heel in the “free republic” of the United States. —CHARLES ASHLEIGH. A Dawes Motto “Bobby,” said the teacher, sternly, ‘do you_know that you have broken eighth commandment by Lica a James's apple?” “Well,” explained Bobby, “I might just as well break the eighth and have the ay hgh dha aaa only covet Canary Birds? A high-spirited editor, commenting on the statement in a so-called wel- fare report that a family of five can live on $9,60 a week, asks: “A family of five "American Labor Le- Will It Take the Step? Taree by “w 1 Donald for The aiecalon “werieoe One Leisure Hour From early morning to noon the factory is a hive of industry. ‘ach whirring machine has an overalled attendant. Everyone is busy. The eagle-eyed foreman sees to that. A sharp order from him 4s. enough; no dreamers are tolerated here. By- ery worker attends his machine se closely that he begins to look like a part of it. Then the drab-clad machine men brighten up. Some glance at watches, others whistle. It is nearing the meal hour; for one hour they can be + their own master—free to study some- thing brighter than the machines. * After their meal, which occupies a quarter of their hour, they settle down to a well-earned rest. Some get together and discuss the latest news, others select a seat, preferably under a window, where the light can shine on their papers and books, The long rows of glistening ma- chines look strangely quiet—dead and useless without the guiding hand of man, The place is so still that one can even hear the birds outside—a rare change from the harsh sound of machinery, | Then a long, shrilll whistle pierces the silence, The machines are start- ed, The workers’ brief respite is over. —-W. R., in the London Daily Herald. i THE DAILY atack” aaa oa them to subscribe | } 1