The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 14, 1924, Page 5

Monday, April . 1924 , THE DAILY WORKER Page Five WILKES-BARRE WORKERS FORCE RIGHT TO MEET Att’y General Yields To Protests (Special to The Daily Worker) WILKES-BARRE, Pa, April 13. —Final arrangements are now be- ing made by the Wilkes-Barre Local of the Workers Party to hold a ‘mass meetiny in connection with the famous Teapot Dome il scandal by the end of this month. It is ex- pected that there will be no inter- ference with the meeting on the part of either the police or the Ameri- can Legion because of a letter sent to the Wilkes-Barre’ mayor by At- torney General George W. Woodruff of ‘Pennsylvania. The letter is highly. apologetic and ‘it tells the mayor mahy complaining letters have been received but it empha- sizes the constitutional right of citi- bens to meet, as follows: “You should consider seriously , the following points,” says Attor- ney General Woodruff: “1, That the Constitution, both $f the United States and the Commonwealth prescribed the in- herent right of peaceable assem- blage’ and free speech, which I think we would take to mean the right to meet in an orderly fashion and discuss any subject desired so long as decency is observed and so long as there is no interference with the rights of property of others, and no suggestions or pleas advanced in the speaking, inciting, or tending to incite, to disorder or harm to the liberty or property of others. “2. That not only do the Con- stitutional rights of people urge non-interference with truly peace- able assemblage and ncn-incen- diary free speech, but also urge that unnecessary interfer- ence with these inherent and Constitutional rights of the peo- ple is more likely to help along any. undesirable political, social or religious teaching than. as tho no interference were practiced. “The case in point perhaps illus- trates the common sense thought advanced directly above. The so-called Workers Party, and the -various persons invotved in the alleged interference with their liberties, have been getting a tremendous advertisement out of the treatment no matter how legal and right it may be.” German Workers Wages Reduced to _ Few Cents an Hour (By F. S. R. Press Service.) The wages of German workers are terribly low. The rate for the building workers is from 11c to 16¢ per hour. In_ the textile trades skilled male workers earn 9% to 11c per hour. Railwaymen earn 7c to lle an hour. Signalmen pre-war rate was $30.80 per month now make from $1144 to $16.50, according to the length of their service. The average wage of the full time male workers is 9% per hour, man who has worked ten hours a day for six days at the rate of nine and one-half cents per hour only receives $5.50 per week and prices are higher than in England or America. Elementary schocl teach- ers receive $220 per year, ~ These wages, below subsistence level, of course leave nothing for un- employment times. When it is con- | sidered that millions of German workers are unemployed and on part time the necessity for the relief which the Friends of Soviet Russia and Workers Germany is collecting becomes all the more apparent, '* . Formerly With Mandel Bros. UPHOLSTERING done in your own home very reasonable. 6006 SO. KOMENSKY AVE. Call REPUBLIC 3788 Zinoviev Reviews Main Points of Difference EDITOR'S NOTH:—Today we * continue publication of the famous Teport by Gregory Zinoviev, chafr- man of the Communist Interna- tional, made to the session of the Executive of the Communist In- ternational held on Jan. 6. Zino- viev’s report deals with the main points of difference in the Russian Communist Party, clearly crystal- lizing the discussion that has so far been published in the DAILY WORKER. In order that our readers may get a broader view of this’ discussion, we are publishing enlarged installments. This re- port is divided into seven sections. Today.we publish the sixth sec- tion. It is as follows: ee vi. Special Differences of Opinion with Comrade Trotzky. I now, come to. the discussion of some special differences of opinion with Comrade Trotzky. These differences with Comrade Trotzky have given rise to much un- easiness in our ranks and are natur- ally equally disquieting to our com- rades of the International. The “opposition,” seeing that it is defeated, insists upon its final argu- ment, It has turned to the workers with @ phrase to the following effect: “Very well, you may be right in all these things. But at least we may ask for one thing: polite treatment for Trotzky.” Thus Comrade Radek, for instance, delivered a speech yes- Best Make Sewing Machines - $10, $15, $20 5 year guarantee—City wide delivery 970 MILWAUKEE AVENUE Phone Monroe 4630 DO YOUR WORK AT J. KAPLAN’S CLEANERS AND DYERS Expert Ladi and Gents’ Tailor 3546 ARMITAGE AVE. Albany Work Ca For And Delivered terday in Moscow, in which he de- clared that the Central Committee was at least 80 per cent in the right, and that unity is necessary. But the Party lacks in “politeness” towards ‘Trotaky. Futility of Opposition. This is all the “opposition” has to say in the present final stage of the discussion. You see, comrades, how weak are the foundations of this “opposition.” But let us turn from the lighter side of this question, for it has an- other aspect as well. Trotzky is one of our most gifted comrades. You all know how much influence he pos- sesses. I need not waste any words on this. But I must make our rela- tions with Comrade Trotzky clear to you. In the first place: In 1903 Comrade Trotzky was not only an express Menshevik, but he was one of those comrades who most energetically combatted Bolshevism, and already at that time the accusations which he brought against the Bolsheviki were essentially the same as he raises today. At that time Trotzky wrote a pam- phiet to the effect that whilst Lenin held the belief that he was a proletarian revolutionist, whilst he held himself to be a Marxist and pro- letarian revolutionist, in reality his- tory was according him the role of leader of the petty bourgeoisie, of leader of the peasantry. The Bolsheviki, in Trotzky’s opin- ion, were bound to develop gradually into leaders of a peasants’ party. It seems to me, comrades, that the pres- ent indictments brought by Comrade Trotzky, especially his insinu&tions as to the degeneration of the old guard, are-a renaissance of his above- named old views, of his old idea that whilst we imagine ourselves to be A|proletarian revolutionists, we are in reality petty bourgeoisie. What can he otherwise mean by “degeneration?” Degeneration must be founded on a class basis! And of whom could such a class basis consist? Only of the proletariat or the peasantry. The accusation is an implication that we are inclining to- wards the petty bourgeoisie. Lenin’s Stand. From the year 1905 onwards, Trotzky was fractionless, and even worked for our press for a time. Later, during the period of the coun- ter-revolution, he again belonged to the Mensheviki, and for ten years he aided our worst enemies. In the year 1914, at the beginning of the great war, Trotzky was Inter- nationalist, but in spite of this he continued to combat our revolution- ary internationalism, and to support the Mensheviki by aiding the Duma faction of the Menshevik Tchenidze, instead of the Bolshevist Duma fac- tion. This reminds me of a similar atti- tude adopted by Trotzky at the time -of the Copenhagen International Con- gress in the year 1910. On the op- ening day of the congress the Berlin “Vorwarts” published an anonymous article declaring that Lenin and his immediate disciples were a band of criminals and scoundrels, undertak- ing expropriations, etc. The writer of this article was Comrade Trotzky. Such was the state of affairs before the year 19197.’ In the year 1917, in about June, Trotzky joined our Party. At that , _UNCLE WIGGLY’S TRICKS —_—s time Comrade Lenin was at first op- posed to his admission. When the question of Comrade Trotzky’s entry into the editorial staff of the “Pray- da” arose, the voting was as follows: Comrade Kameneff and I were in favor of his admission, Lenin against it. After Trotzky had become a mem- ber of the editorial staff, Lenin ob- served with a smile: “You have be- trayed me. Well, we shall just have to increase the staff by two workers more, in order to have a majority against you and Trotzky in any case.” So little confidence had Lenin \in Trotzky. Trotzky’s Incompetence. Now, comrades, you all know what brilliant service Trotzky rendered after this, especially in the October days, Then came _ Brest-Litovsk. Again the pendulum swung back. Trotzky insisted on the formula of: “Neither war nor peace.” Trotzky suddenly became a “left” Communist in company with Bukharin, Radek, and other comrades. What was the mistake committed by Trotzky dur- ing the Brest-Litovsk period? That he overlooked the peasantry, He was anxious to carry on a revo- lutionary war at a time when the whole peasantry did not want to hear anything of war. The old army, which was a peasant army, was in a state of complete dissolution, and could not be forced to fight by any means. Despite this, Trotzky had a beautifully worked out plan of his revolutionary war in his pocket, a plan with only one fault, the fact that he had no soldiers for the revo- lutionary army, for these were the peasants who would not fight. Then came the trade union ques- tion in the. year 1921. What was the position of the Soviet power at that time? Insurrection in Kronstadt, risings among the peasantry in Si- beria and in the Tambov government. What signalized these events? The protest made by the peasantry against the limitation of agricultural productive powers by our war com- munism. And what was Trotzky’s recipe for helping this? Further limitation, more effective limitation! Again he overlooked the real lever moving the interests of the peasan- try, and at the same time he over- looked the demands of the working masses, still closely bound up with those of the peasants in Russia. At that time we fought a severe contest jas to the role played by the working class, and its relations to the peasan- try. And now we have got into a dis- cussion on the same subject for the third time,.for Trotzky, whilst cate- gorically insisting on the necessity of his plan, again overlooks the needs of agriculture. The basis of our economics is represented by the country, by the peasantry. This basis consists of our hundreds of millions of poods of bread. Another bone of contention be- tween us and‘Trotzky is the ques- tion of the concentration of state eco- nomics. Theoretically, the demand for increased concentration in state industry is perfectly correct. But here again matters look somewhat different viewed in a concrete politi- cal light. For instance, we possess @ number of first-class large works, as the Putilov Works at Petrograd, or the Bryansk Works, which are un- orofitable enterprises from the finan- sial standpoint. Trotzky’s Solution. What is to be done with such un- dertakings? Trotzky answers brief- ly: Close them. ‘ But we, the majority of the Politi- cal Bureau, declare that we do not think of closing them. There are ex- ceptional cases, in which we must grant subsidies, even this is not in accordance with the immediate inter- ests of the Btate budget. The un- profitable enterprise despite its un- profitability, must be held above water by artificial means. Why this? The reply is simple. Because these works keep occu- pied 8,000 workers forming a picked troop of proletarian evolutionists. These are centers of crystallization vf all. But’ Troteky nervously op- posses us, he categorically demands that the works be shut down, azd continues to bombard us with his question of: Where is your plan? What economic system are you pur- suing? I believe, comrades, that the pic ture which I have so far drawn for our disagreement with Trotzky will have shown you that our differences are not of a personal nature—all as- sertions to the contrary are idle gos- sip!—but of a purely political char- acter. The reason les in the fact that Trotzky has learnt in a very, different school to ours, for we worked years. We fully appreciate all Trotzky’s Sriittant qualities, and need not re- count these here, but all the same he has not gone thru a Bolshevist school. Again and again he over- looks the peasantry, and is’ thus un- able to accord due weight to the specific role played by the working class of Russia, so closely bound up with the, part played by the small holders. Need For Co-operation. Now, comrades, we are all of the opinion that Trotzky’s co-operation is an unqualified necessity for us. We often hear it said by comrades I heard it yesterday myself at a meeting—that: “The Central Com- mittee has a faction after all, and that is your faction, the faction of the majority.” This is pure non- sense, In the Central Committee the pro- portion of the majority to the opposi- tion is 53 to 3, in the Political Bureau 9 to 1. Did you @ver hear of such a fac- tion? Nearly all of us were unani- mously elected by the last Party con- ference. The “opposition” declares: Even if we gain the majority at the next Party conference, we shall still re-elect you all unarimously. The accusation that we are a faction has thus not a shadow of proof behind it. ‘We are reproached with maintain- ing especially close contact with one another, of coming into the Political Bureau with our proposals already agreed upon beforehand, and so- forth. This is one of Radek’s great- est hits. Radek speaks at meetings somewhat as follows: Do you know, comrades, what our Political Bureau really is? The following: Zinoviey comes to an understanding with Kamenéy and Stalin. This trio then overwhelms Buk- harin, so that they have already four votes before coming into the Politi- cal Bureau. Then they only require two votes more, and they have the majority. Is This a Faction? What is this, if it is not a faction? Is the question then put by Radek to his astonished audience. , Comrades, you are naturally in- terested in the more intimate side of our disagreement as well, and an ex- planation of this is also due to you. Yes, it is true that the members of the Politicdl Bureau come to under- standings with one another. But what does the Political Bureau really represent? Above all it represents the respon- sible corporation of our state, the government. The Political Bureau governs the country, and this is a country comprising one sixth of the surface of the globe. To this must be added ‘that we ‘are ‘still in posses- sion of a certain amount of influence in the International, and rule in this to a certain extent. Confronted by such responsible tasks, is it possible for us to deal with every subject in @ purely formal manner, to act on some such scheme as the following: 12 o'clock, meeting of Political Bu- reau, opening of session, reading of agenda, and voting? This is of course absurb. We are an army staff, but a revolutionary army staff, whose members are in constant contact with one another, and maintain friendly relations to each other. together with Lenin for conciliation of the broad-ninded and | the narrow-minded Trotzky has al-| ways been wanting to reconcile the whole world, but he has never re- conciled anybody, He has wanted to form a faction, | but has himself been factionless, and has never succeeded in bringing a) faction together. Why not? Simply for the reason | that he is an expressed individualist. | This incapacity for collective work prevents the development of any friendly relations between Trotzky and the old Bolsheviki, tho such re- lations are eminently desirable. To| this we must add the whole of our) past, comprising a period of 20| years, during which we old Bolshe- viki, we Leninists, were fighting to- gether thru thick and thin. After Lenin fell ill, we for our hart did our utmost to improve our rela- tions with Trotzky, to come into closer contact with him. Even after the conflict with him had begun we made two attempts, in November of last year, to come to a clear understanding with Comrade Trotzky by means of private consul- tation with him, All the members of the Political Bureau took part in these private consultations. We did this in the consciousness that it was necessary to convince Comrade Trotzky that we did not dream for a moment of persecuting him, but were actuated solely by the sincere wish to co-operate with hint, and to arrive at an agreement with him on contested questions. We have done our utmost to come to an un- derstanding with Comrade Trotzky. And the result? The next day we have the same situation again, the same questions. And then there is a group of Trotzky’s followers who have encouraged him to oppose the Central Committee, instead of en- lightening him as to the real state of affairs in the Party. Faulty Psychology. Now that Lenin is not there, we can storm the Central Committee— this has been the slogan of this group: And they have really at- tempted the attack, It has, however, not been quite successful either for ‘Trotzky or Radek. It was a false speculation to assume that Lenin’s absence would guarantee a victorious issue for the attack. This is the situation, comrades. Naturally there is wide-spread dis- quietude, naturally we hear on all sides the question: What will hap- pen now? Will there be a rupture with Trotz- ky? Indeed, even those comrades of the “opposition” who have changed their opinion in the course of the discus- sion, and are now ready to declare: “Yes, you are right, and we vote with you,” are still asking: “But what is to be done about Trotzky?” To this we reply: Of course we shall continue to co-operate with him. We have already stated this publicly in a special resolution passed by the Political Bureau, in which we declare that we cannot imagine either the Political Bureau or the Soviet gov- ernment without Trotzky. But on the other hand we must state with the utmost decision: If there are any persons who be- lieve that we shall now swallow ev- erything which Trotzky offers us, they, are mistaken. We shall not permit ourselyes to be deprived of We often hear it said at meetings|the right of representing the Party that the members of the Political Bureau met at Zinoviev’s house, and came to an understanding there. And how were matters at the time when Lenin was still in good health? Well, at that time we met in Lenin’s rooms, in his study, or at his dinner- table, and discussed all manner, of questions with him, seeking to arrive at a united standpoint on contested Points. Often enough this was no easy matter. In the Urquhart affair, for instance, Lenin changed his point of view three times. At one time he was in favor of arn cepting the agreement, at another time opposed it. I remember that at that time he once telephoned to me: “You see how weak I have become! I have thought the matter over again, and have come to a different conclu- lon again. What do you say to such a lack of character?” How is it that we did not succeed in establishing similar relations with partly in Trotzky’s personal charac- that he should ever form a firm fac- tion. Strong Indvidualist. During the Balkan war, Trotzky A LAUGH FOR THE CHILDREN as it really is. It must be openly stated, once for all, that we never went over to Comrade Trotzky, but that he came over to us into the Party. | / No Split Feared. This statement does not in the least alter the fact of Trotzky'’s ad- mirdble characteristics and capabil- ities. Trotzky must penetrate more deeply into the essence of our Bol- shevist Party. . He has tried to show the workers that we are on the road to becoming steins, and so forth. But no- body has believed him. This proves that he has not formed a correct es- timate of our Party. Comrades, you have nothing to fear, There will be no split in the Party. Trotzky will recognize his errors, as he did in 1921. A federal Party conference will first be held, then a federal Party congress, It need not be said that we shall Trotzky in all his influential posi- working. But we expect from you, comrades, that you fully realize the nature of our differences, that you are aware in long ago, (To Be Continued Tuesday.) McCormick WASHINGT out waiti from the in Ilinois, refer to M second lame duck of the Denby sea- son.” Sterling of South Dakota, was ger the first. How many of your shop-m: THE! DAILY WORKER, them to subscribe tod. FOR SALE Well peg atc taloring, ane, ohne tune Wega A Where to Go to Join the Workers Party Below is a lst of the English| speaking branches of the Workers place of meeting. every class conscious worker to get | in. touch with the branch nearest his residence and join the only po- litical party in the that is actively engaged in organ- izing the workers, to bring about their emancipation from wage slav- ery. Come in and help! Some Branch Meetings of Chicago English Branches: South Side Branch, every first and third Thursday, 8 P. M., at | Community Center, 3201 S, Wabash Ave, | Irving Park Branch, every first j and third Monday at 4021 N. Drake | Ave. Monday, Jan. 21, lecture by Max Bedacht, subject, “The Present | Situation in Germany.” Mid-City Branch, every first and third Wednesday, at Emmet Memo- rial Hall, Taylor and Ugden Ave. Bridgeport Branch, every second and fourth Wednesday at 3600 S. Union Ave, Cicero Branch, every 3d Sunday, at 2p. m., at Lithuanian Liberty Hall, W. 14th St. and 49th Court, Cicero. North Side Branch, every first land third Monday, at Imperial Hall, 2409 N. Halsted St. North West Side Branch, every second and fourth Tuesday at Work- ers Lyceum, 2733 Hirsch Boul, Douglas Park Branch, every first and third Monday, at 2733 Douglas Boul. Englewood Branch, every fourth Wednesday, at Carpenters Hall, 6414 S.- Halsted St. ILLINOIS 6. 0, P. COMMITTEE IN SMALL'S HANDS Fiery Cross Boasts Klan Won Election Incompldte returns findicate Gov. Len Small will hold the thirteen votes necessary to control the new Repub- lican state committee. He captured at least five of the ten Cook County Committeeships and his downstate candidates are leading in. the incom- plete returns. Small’s renomination may also encourage one or two com- mitteemen of other factions to sway his way. Walter Rosenfield has apparently won the close contest in the Rock Island district but the Small control will discourage him from being a can- didate for. re-appointment as chair- man. The new state committee will have charge of the republican state cam- paign, including Small’s own candi- dacy. " Klan Says It Won Election The Illinois Fiery Cross, Ku: Klux Klan organ, boasts that all the can- didates it endorsed won out in the Illinois primaries. “Every candidate for state office receiving the support of the klan 's membership was swept to victory, the Fiery Cross states and follows with the list of succesful candidates, headed by Governor Len Small. Election Fraud Arrests Election fraud charges culminated today in the detention under bond of Virgil Litsinger, charged with the theft of a ballot vox in the Eighteenth Precinct. Litsinger, who is a nephew of Edward R. Litsin- ger of the board of review, was a precinct captainefor Small. Morris Eller, Republica, commit- teeman in the Twentieth Ward, has rd de newspaper charges against El ion Commissioner Czarnecki, who he says placed non-residents, bootleggers and ex-convicts on the election board. $17 Scale Won By Sign Painters Of Chicago Union Scenic artists in the Chicago paint- ers’ union are now getting $17 a day on a 44-hour week under the new agreement that will run for one year expiring April 1, 1925. This is a raise of $2 a day. The scale of their help- Comrade Trotzky? The reason Mes|40 our utmost to keep Comrade/|ers remains as before, $12 a day. Sign painters in the union are get- ter. Trotzky is an ‘expressed indivi-| tions, despite the momentary tension, |ting $15 a day on a 40-hour, five-day dualist. This makes it impossible|#0d to give him the opportunity of|week. This is a raise of $2 a day. Their helpers are getting $10 a day, a raise of $1.50 a day. They are also enjoying the 40-hour week. © “Our branckes of the trade are once made an excursion to the Bal-|that it is no matter of trifles, but of|about 95 per cent organized in Chi- kans. He then proceeded to Copen-|S¢rious political and organizatory| cago,” says Walter G. Lathrope, busi- hagen, where he was already able to| Wuestions. Had it been a mere ques-|ness agent, Local 830 (Sign, Scene unfold an excellent plan for the re-| ‘ion of trifles, we should have given |and Pictorial Painters), Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators and Paper- hagers. “Our local has 600 members, of which 60 are the scenic artists and their assistants.” United States | Following are the meeting places | 4 DEPORTATION OF ‘LWW, POLITIGALS |Authorities Back Down | In Avila Case | (By Defense News Service) | ; | Deportation has been stayed for at least one of the seventeen I, W. | W. ex-politica] prisoners who are banishment from The one ig John e niany years fighting against the United States | Avila, who came ago from Portugal and was sen- |} tenced to Leavenworth in 1918 by Judge Landis in the famous Chi- cago trial. His case will be reopen- | ed, according to a letter just receiv- | ed by the General Defe tee here from W. W. § | ing Commissi Gener Im- | migration at Washington, D. C. | This action in Avila’s favor is looked upon as at regard to al] the es, in all of which the circumstane- es are practically the same. Sib- | ray’s letter concerning Avila says in part: A “Desirable” Resident | “You are advised that after care- fully examining the record, it ap- | pears that the man might be found to be a desirable resident. In view | of the fact, it has therefore been | directed that the case be reopened for the purpose of securing addi- tional evidence ag to whether he will make a law-abiding citizen and as to his actions in the past. When the desired information has been received, the case will be given fur- ther consideration.” Action in behalf of the radicals in question, whom the Department of Labor seeks to deport-’because they served prison terms for war-opinions, has lately been taken by labor or- ganizations in Englant and by a prominent citizens in New York City. | British Labor Takes Action | United States Abassador Frank |B. Kellogg of London, has received a letter from the Independent Labor |Party, Mitcham Branch, Surrey, rel- ative to the cases of seven of the for- mer political prisoners who are Brit- ish-born. These are Herbert Mahler, | Joseph Oates, William Moran, Harry | Lloyd, Richard Brazier, Donald Sheri- dan and Bert Lorton. Citing the banishment orders, ,the Independent Labor Party says: “It is understood that the reasons for |these deportations are political and |our members desire to enter a pro- |test against this action. It is felt |that if the full facts were placed before our good friends, the Ameri- \can citizens, few would favor the de- portation of these men, and we re- spectfully submit that this should be tive. “The members of this Mitcham Party urge upon you, Sir, to bring | this letter before yorr President, and |to make representatives to your Pres- \ident and Senate with a view to se- curing the release, of these men in questién and the advancement’ of justice.” Scottish Workers Protest Members of the Glasguw Trades Labour Coungil discussed at length these deportation cases at a recent meeting of that body. They finally voted to ask the Scottish Trade Un- ion Congress and the British Trade Union Congress to protest to the United States government against sending the éx-politicals out of this | country. Jacob Tori, another I. W. W. mem; ber was deported to Italy on March 29. None of his friends were noti- fied that he was being sent away, 80 no one was at \the dock to bid him farewell. He managed, however, to send a message from the ship bear- ing good wishes to his fellow workers. Italian Worker Tricked Tori was convicted in the Sacra- mento trial in 1919 in connection with the war, and was sentenced to serve 10 years. His term in Leavenworth penitentiary was cut short | last Christmas by President Coolidge’s order of commutation, but immediate- ly the Department of Labor’ institut- ed deportation proceedings against him. At a hearing in Leavenworth, immigration agents induced Tori to waive hfs right to counsel. He did not understand what he was agreeing to. When he learned the truth later he declared he had been tricked and demanded an attorney, but was told it was too late. PITTSBURGH, PA. DR. RASNICK DENTIST Rendering Expert Dental Service ar 7th Ave. Arthur St. urieLb st 645 SMITHFIEL, 1627 NTER AVE., Cor paulding PORTNOY & CO, ind Oecorators UPPLIE w and Old Work AVE. CHICAG! 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