The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 12, 1924, Page 11

RINT Re 8 a ~ Thesis on the Workers Party Policy in the 1924 Elections (Continued from Page 4) geois party; it would be an expres- sion, of parkamentary fetishism which would destroy our position among the working masses. It is however, our duty to utilize the po- litical fermefitation among the masses in order to drive a wedge between the bourgeoisie, no matter how insurgent and liberal, and the working class, no mattér how little enlightened. We must remember not only the immediate outcome of the elections and our glory in its results, but also the future strug- gles of thé working class, The Conference for Progressive Political Action is an embodiment of that part of organized labor which, under the leadership of reactionary labor officials allowed its lot to be thrown with the bourgeoisie. Domi- nated by the bureaucrats of the railroad craft unions who were eager to deliver the organizations represented in the conference to the democratic party under ihe candi- dacy of McAdoo; faced with a scan- dal which for a while made the nomination ef McAdoo undesirable while the appearance of another democratic candidate with a reputa- tion of a so-called friend of labor is highly improbable, the Conference for Progressive Political Action is biding time, still in expectation of a contingency which will make the creation of a third bourgeois party unnecessary. Further than a third party. the Conference for Progres- sive Political Action is not ready to go. In this it is eageny sustained by the socialist party on the one hand, by the liberal groyps, such as the Committee of 48, etc., on the other. There is little doubt that at best the July 4 conference of the Conference for Progressive Politi- cal Action will result in the proc’a- mation of its: readiness to support a third bourgeois party. This de- parture, being a‘ decisive break with with the tradition of labor support- ing one of the old eapitalist parties, will also strengthen our work in fa- vor of a real class labor party. We will have to create a center which either in these coming elections or in the near future will separate the masses of the workers frem their liberal bourgevis leaders, as our ac- tivities in the industrial field, trying to separate them from the conservative bureaucracy in their economic organizations. E-1. The Oil Scandal. The monstrous frauds anveiled in the entire government machinery in connection with the oil investigations. far from shaking the foundations of American capitalism, or even chang- ing the political complexion of the congress has nevertheless created that state of political amazement and widespread mockery at the ac- cepted bourgeois political phrase- ology which makes the masses more susceptible both to class propa- ganda and to the formation of a class political party. The material furnished by the investigations, however, must be utilized not in the same spirit as it is done by third party spokesmen, but as proof of rottenness of the capitalist system as a whole, and as our urge for the workers to become a_ political power. Il. Principles of Our Election Policy It follows from all these circum- stances that our role in the coming elections raust be based on the fol- lowing principles. i (1) We pursue iAe policies of a United Front of Labor as outlined by the Communist International; namely: we strive to unite the larg- est possible number of workers and poor farmers on a program of struggle against capitalist domina- tion. (2) We did not come to the work- ing masses with a full and detailed program ot revoluticnary class struggle as exemplified by the pro- gram of the Workers Party, but we come with a minimum of class de- mands which, while drawing a line between the letariat and the Poin Spel 5 2 moe ning of a strugg bourgeois rule and will be able to attract the adherence of large masses of workefs.- ; (3)' We work for the formation of a labor-farmer party controlled by workers and farmers and put- ting forth a minimum of class de- mands ag outlined above. (4) We do not enter into any po- litical maneuvers which may hecloud are}; our aims in the eyes of the workers and make them think of us as polit- ical manipulators of the - old type and not as fighters for the cause of the workers. ; (5) We view our participation in the election campaigns as one of many oceasions for spreading \2 propaganda of class struggle, for arousing the working c.ass to politi- cal activity, for organizing the | working class into a political party; we do not view it, however, as a means to achieve immediate and im- ; Portant changes in the American system of legislation. We fully | recognize thé importance of the par- 'liamentary tribune for the class ‘enlightenment «and consolidation of the working pecple, we do not, how- ‘ever, strive for parliamentary seats at fhe expense of our class position. |We hold the same true for the ‘working class as a whole. (6) We aim at strengthening the Workers Party and. putting it on the potitical map as the most radi- eal and most consistent leader of !the working masses. Ill. Our Line Of Action ; Based on these principles we pur- we in connection with the coming ‘election the following line of acton: | A. Before June 17 (1) We make a many sided and vigorous .campaign. for participation at the June 17 convention. The Central Executive Committee of the Workers Party and every party unit carry the campaign into every accessible labor and farmer organi- zation, the aims being: . (a) To enlighten the workers and poor farmers as to their position in capitalist society and the only way of liberation. ! (b) To induce the workers and farmers organizations to form state and city labor-farmer parties which would appeal to the votes of the laboring masses in time of election. (c) To induce the newly organiz- ed labor-farmer parties to affiliate with the Federated Farmer-Labor Party wherever such affiliation does not threaten to disrupt the local labor-farmer forces. (d) To induce each iabor ané farmer organization and cach local branch of the Federated Farmer- Labor Party to send delegates to the June 17 convention, (2) We carry on a_ systematic propaganda not only against the old capitalist parties but also against the third bourgeois party which is in the process of birth, We point out the bourgeois character of the jcombiog party, using particulariy the frankly and openly capitalistic na- ture of the insurgent group’s activi- ties in the present congress. We | brand the labor officials who wish to |make the workers an appendix to a third party as betrayers of the working class striving to establish political peace with the bourgeoisie where war must be tae rule. We point out that “delivering” labor to a third bourgeois party is no’ less re- actionary than delivering it to the old capitalist parties, (3) We do not conceal from the workers and farmers that we are Communists; we make it clear to them what Communism is; we do, however, state that even those workers who do net agree to the methods and aims of Communism must take their fate into their own hands without relying on their ene- mies of the other classes. (4) We make vigorous propa- ganda in favor of the formation of a mass party of workers and ex- ploited farmers at the June 17 con- vention. B. At the June 17 Convention (1) Whatever the number of our members and sympathizers at that fering may be we fight for the ga formation of a party of labor and exploited farmers on the following basis: (a) The party is to be composed of organizations of hand and brain workers and exploited farmers; it does not admit organizations of business men, manufacturers, bank- ers, rich farmers, however friendly to labor; it admits individual mem- bership by recommendation of local unite of the party. (b) The party strives towards the establishment of a _ labor-farmer government in the United States of rik. rt; include: ¢ e party program includes nationalization of the key indus- tries; nationalization of the banks, nationalization of means of transportation, nationalization of >. i natural resources (ores, coal, oil, water power), nationalization of storage facilities for farm products, of elevators and mills; a five year moratorium for the farmers’ debts. (d) The party endorses and sup- ports only such candidates as: accept both the ¢.ass control of the party and the party program. (2) If this program is not. ac- cepted by the majority of the con- vention we may yield on point (c) relating to the party program, we | do -not, however, yield as to the | class’ composition of the party— fully conscious of the fact that a party controlled by labor und ex- ploited farmers may in time become revolutionary even if-it is moderate at its inception, while a party con- trolled by bourgeois elements must necessari.y become reactionary even if it starts with a liberal program. (3) In the extremely unlikely eventuality that the convention is swamped by bourgeois elements and the majority does not agree to the formation of a party on the above specified basis, we secede from the convention with as many Jabor and farmer de‘egates as agree to a class party and form such a party inde- pendently, The party to nominate its presidential candidate and candi- dates for the legislative chambers. C. After the June 17 Convention Whether a class _ labor-farmer 'party emerges from the majority or the minority of the June 7 conven- tion, we aid in consolidating the new party, in carrying on its cam- paigns, in organizing its publica- tions, a'l the time, however, empha- sizing the difference between Com- munism and the new party. The attitude of the Workers Party to- wards other political groups will then be as follows: (1) The Workers Party endorses and supports the candidates of the new labor-farmer party while con- ducting the election campaign in a strict Communist spirit. (2) The Workers Party urges the new party to send a committee to the July 4 Conference for Progres- sive Political Action in order to negotiate with it as to joining the labor-farmer party. (3) The Workers Party urges the new party that in case the negotia- tions fail it should try to attract as many labor elements from the Ju'y 4 conference as will be ready to join a class party. (4) The Workers Party stands for a relentless criticism of the third party to be born at the July 4 con- ference, under whatever name and with whatever progressive program it may appear, the basis of criticism being that the third party is bour- geois in its composition, since it has refused to accept the control of workers’ and farmers’ organiza- tions. (5) In loeal elections we strive towards a united front on the broad- est possible basis, not overstepping, however, the class lines of workers and exploited farmers. We strive .to unite all labor elements on a labor program; we support candi- dates nominated by labor organiza- tions; we make it clear to our Workers Party members that in supporting such candidates we help to unite labor and to split it away from the bourgeois parties; we lay particular stress on the idea of bona- fide labor representatives being un- likely to betray the cause of the workers while bourgeois parties and their labor supporters are destined to harm the cause of labor. We thus appear in the eyes of our own mem- bership and in the eyes of the masses as the foremost fighters for the cause of labor. (6) By no means do we form election alliances with the third party. The reasons for such a policy may be thus summarized: ta) An alliance would oe prac- futile cally since the Workers Party does not command large masses which could actually influ- ence the outcome of an election. (b) An alliance would perturb the class vision of our membership and cause among them great con- sternation, appearing to them as an obvious deviation fiom the straight line of class struggle. (c) An alliance with ithe third party would make it impossible for us to exp‘ain refusal to support a candidate of the democratic party in ease the candidate is friendly to labor. That some democratic can- didates may be at least as progres- sive as third party candidates is hardly unlikely. (d) An alliance with the third party wou'd make it impossible for us to criticize it. It is a hazardous and phantastic assumption that we ean both support the candidates of the party and at the same time re- veal its bourgeois characte: and as- 'sert its future betrayal of the | masses of labor and farmers. It is absurd to assume that we can have }ecommon campaigns with the third jbeurgeois party for its hourgeois candidates, and at the same time eonduct an independent campaign for our own program. Even if the strength of the vote at cur com- mand should help elect one or the | other third party candidate, for the working class the gain from such jan election wou'd be far outweighed by the harm caused thru >lurring the class lines and strengthening the bourgeois party. The idea of giving the workers an object lesson by indueing them to vote for a pro- gressive bourgeois in order that they may later be enlightened by his betrayal, is worth no more than the idea of preaching support of a democratic nominee in order that his betrayal may later repel :he work- ers from the democratic party. (e) An allianee would make it ap- pear to our membership that we put all our hopes in parliamentary re- forms and that all our propaganda of mass action is no more than a phrase. Such a disappointment would repel from the Workers Party its progressive adherents who wish to see it not the tail end of a bourgeois progressive party but a vanguard of militant working masses, * + * If we put all our forces behind the June 17 convention; if we do preparatory work on a large scale with the aim of making the June 17 convention the great event in the movement rather than to make it a preliminary event. to a third bourgeois party convention: if we sincere'y wish to have the labor- farmer party the central force in the new political enlightenment of labor—we may avoid a division of forces, and the convention may be- j;come the beginning of a new era in the history of class struggle in the United States, BUNCO PARTY and DANCE Given by Crawford District UNITED WORKERS’ SUNDAY SCHOOLS OF CHICAGO Sunday, April 13, 1924 At Henry Clay Hall 3312 W. North Ave. Bunco Party 3 P. M. Children’s Program 6 P. M. Dance 7 P. M. Tickets in advance 35c a person At the door 50c IN MEMORIAM » The Democrats seem to think we will forget Their ROBBERIES, and elect DOUGH-Heney's pet; Who to his (oil) trust, is eternally true! If you want ONE MORE WILSON, Choose McAdoo! Remember the Democrat THIEVES were upheld, By REPUBLICAN CROOKS whose -books swelled; If you vote for either old Party, next™time You thereby become a PARTAKER IN CRIME! Montrose, Colorado. I, D. MeFadden.