The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 9, 1924, Page 4

Page Four N.Y, WORKERS: PLEDGE AID TO FREE FILIPINOS Parties of Wall Street | Are Denounced (Special to The Daily Worker) NEW YORK, April 8.—At one of the most enthusiastic meetings held in New York City, close to 600 work- ingmen and women pledged their solidarity with the Filipino people in their struggle for compleXe national independence and for freedom from the domination of the present Amer- ican imperialist rule of Wall Street. | The republican and democratic parties were denounced scathingly for their devotion to the cause of im- perialism and all the energies and re- sources of the ‘Workers (Communist) Party of America were pledged to the Filipino masses to help them con- clude their victorious fight against the capitalist exploiters, the common enemy of the workers of the world. Antonio Viterbo, professor of the University of Manila, the first speak- er, told the interested audience of the great progress made by the Filipinos in education and industry. Prof. Viterbo emphasized that considerable industrial progress achieved by the Filipino people and made a fervent plea for their national independence. Scott Nearing followed Prof. Viterbo and told how the American imperialists got their first foothold in the Philippines and gradually ex- tended their contro] and influence un- til they now have invested more than one-quarter of a billion dollars in the Islands. American’ Imperialistic Investments. _ Scott Nearing gave an enlighten- ing as well as interesting talk on the growing “investments in patriotism” made by the American capitalists in the Philippines, “These investments in rubber, cocoanut oil, hemp, copra, Sugar and tobacco are the invest. ments in patriotism made by the American capitalists and sre respon- sible for the present imperialist Policy of the Washington government towards the Philippines. Washington is the last place on earth where the Filipinos will get their national free- dom and liberty. It is only by estab- lishing they economic freedom in the Philippines that the Filipinos will ever, be able to get their freedom,” said Scott Nearing, Jay Lovestone told how the Ameri- can capitalist class is employing its control of the United States govern-| ment to enslave the Filipino people in the same way that it exploits and op- presses the workers and farmers at home. He told the story of the ap- pointment of General Wood as Goy- ernor General and the policy puysued by Wood in his campaign to foreé the Filipino nation to hand over valuable concessions to the Standard Oil, Procter & Gamble and Firestone Rubber Co., interests which were among the big business groups that invested close*to two billion dollars in the presidential primary campaign of General Wood in 1920. Workers’ and Farmers’ Government. It is iw the interests of our own working class at least as much as in the interests of the Filipino masses that we must get into the fight for the national freedom of the Philippines. Today, the only organization of all peoples oppressed by the capitalist imperialist the world over is the Communist International of which the Workers Party is the American section. It is only a Workers’ and Farmers’ government of, by, and for. the American working class that can guarantee political and economic freedom to the brave Filipino people that has resisted tyranny for four hundred years.” ‘ Vicente Bunman director of the Philippine Press Bureau and member of the official Filipino Independence Mission, followed with a thoro an- alysis and a complete annibilation of the various arguments usually put up * against Philippine independence by the capitalist newspapers. Mr. Bun- man drew tremendous applause when he told of how the Workers Party was thanked by the Philippine Con- federation of Labor at its recent na- tional congress and how the Filipino workers and farmers are responding to the call for international solidarity issued by the Workers Party of America. Resolution Proposed. At the close of the meeting Jay Lovestone proposed the following resolution which was adopted unani- mously and with great enthusiasm by a rising vote of the hundreds of work- ers who filled the Webster Hall “We the workers of New York, in mass meeting assembled under the auspices of the Workers Party of America, Local Greater New York, unanimously pledge our. solidarity with the Filipino people in their struggle for complete national free- dom from the domination of Wall Street. “% /“The demand that Congress im- mediately recall General Wood and hie military cabinét from the Phi- lippines and pledge ourselves to do Extracting a Specialty Gas and Oxygen-----X-Ray EDITOR'S NOTE:—Today we continue publication of the famous report by Gregory Zinoviev, chair- man of the Communist Interna- tional, made to the session of the Executive of the Communist In- ternational held on Jan. 6. Zino~ viev’s report deals with the main points of difference in the Russian Communist Party, clearly crystal- lizing the discussion that has so far been published in the DAILY WORKER, In order that our readers may get a broader view of this discussion, we are publishing enlarged installments, This re- port is divided into seven sections. ‘Today we publish the second sec- tion. It is as follows: * ee & I, | Party Apparatus and Workers’ | Bureaucracy, Now to the second point of the discussion, the question of the Party apparatus, We must first differentiate be- jtween the state apparatus and the |Party apparatus. As already men- tioned above, the state apparatus is | formally in our hands, but we have jmany yeurs of endeavor before us |before it is actually entirely ours. | We have first to educate a whole )generation of our own people in the |Practical work of running this ap- paratus. We have always been aware that the apparatus is very faulty in Many respects, that it is bureaucra- tic, decayed. It is therefore evident |that the state apparatus has to be | improved. Party Bureaucracy. But what do we need for this pur- pose? We may have 15,000 com- petent proletarians in the Party, but that does not in the least render it possible for us to cure the state ap- paratus. Why not? Because: mere resolutions, meetings, and words, do not suffice to rule the bureaucrats. At the present time, comrades, you may observe a very interesting phe- nomenon at all discussion meetings. it is precisely the most emphatically bureaucratic elements working in the state apparatus who now pose as the greatest democrats, who delight in |passing all sorts of resolutions, and accentuate the democratic role. And yet everything will remain the same as before. If we are really to obtain a firm grip over the bureaucrats in \the state apparatus, the first premise |is the existence of a strong Bolshevist | state apparatus. In other words: It is not’ sufficient to pass resolutions, we must besides posses a suitable instrument, must possess the possibility of setting our knee on the breast of the bureau- crats, you will gain nothing by reso- lutions. The bureaucrat himself will move hundreds of democratic resolu- tions, without altering conditions in the least. Hence the great signifi- cance of the Party apparatus for the maintenance of our power. Decay of Social-Democracy. When Lenin exposed our state ap- paratus by his inexorably trenchant characterization, he appealed simul- taneously to: the Party, and made definitely concrete proposals for the transformation of our Party appara- tus, pointed out how we could really get at the bureaucrats. We know very well what a work- ers’ bureaucracy means. I myself have for instance, studied the fate of the German Social Democratic bu- reaucracy. At that time I tried to enlighten the Russian workers as to the reasons for the decay of German Social Democracy, and to show what had been the social roots of German Social Democratic opportunism» I adduced three main factors as causes of the decay of Social Democracy in Germany: 1, The existence of petty bour- geois elements following the Party when they thought this was to their advantage, but without conviction. At the elections the German Social Democrats competed energetically with the bourgeoisie for the favor of these elements, and abandoned the Marxist principles step by step; 2. The rapid growth and increas- ing influence of the workers’ aristo- cracy, composed of the economical privileged starta of the working class, and everything in our power to compe) Congress to adopt this policy. “We call upon all workers and farmers and all labor and farm or- ganizations to line up solidly for a fight to the finish in union with their Filipino brethren in our common struggle against our common enemy —the imperialist capitalist class of exploiters, “We condemn the high-handed im- perialist campaigns and policies against the Filipino nation, supported by the capitalist democratic and re- publican parties, “We call ypon all workingmen and exploited farmers to rally to the struggle waged and led by the Com- munist International for the freedom of all oppressed peoples—Filipinos, Haitans, Koreans, Indians, and others—now held in subjection by classes of the United States and al] other imperialist controlled coun- tries.” DO NOT LET THIS HAPPEN TO YOU— Come to my office and get my personal attention. My work and advice is Ui gp woes d the best—-My experience is wort! consideration—11 years on the same corner. Prices reasonable. « 10% to all readers of the IMMERN DR. ZIMMERMAN . «DENTIST... 2000 N. CALIFORNIA AVENUE Zinoviev Re THE DAILY WORKER 8. The rising of a workers’ bureau- cracy, the twin brother of the work- ers’ aristocracy, and the increasing importance of this bureaucracy in the whole proletarian movement, and particularly in the policy of the Party. Stratum of German Party. I followed up Robert Michels by drawing up the following diagram of the structure of the stratification in German Social Democracy: Chairman of the Party Committees. Party Committees, Party officials. Participators in general meetings, Party members. Voters, To this I observed: “The base of the pyramid is formed by the four millions of So- cial Democratic voters. Then comes another stratum, also numerically powerful, formed by the Party members, cbunting about a million, Then come the participators in the general Party meetings,\ already much fewer in number. Above these stands a small-ruling group of Party officials. And the apex of the pyramid is finally formed by the small staff of the most promi- nent Party officials, the committees and their chairmen.” , "The three main factors mentioned above are all counter-revolutionary in effect, and Anton Pannekoek was thus entirely in the right in his criti- cal articles in which he threw much light on these aspects of Social Democracy. The workers’ aristocracy ; this will be an obstinacy degenerating is, and always has been, a reaction- ary caste. But none the less we had to admit, even at that time, that a comprehensive labor movement can- not possibly entirely dispense with a certain bureaucratic apparatus. To be sure: if we have only 1,000 mem- bers, then we can dispense with paid functionaries with ease. But it is impossible for extensive memberships to manage without a certain number of paid workers’ bureaucrats. In the end it is a question of so organizing matters that we obtain a really good labor bureaucracy, one entirely in ac- cord with the working masses. Bolshevik Party. The labor bureaucracy of our Party cannot by any means be desig- nated as especially bad. The tradi- tions of the Bolsheviki, who have fought for decades against the Men- sheviki, and have thus formed a chosen elite of revolutionists, have enabled us to create a fairly com- petent Party apparatus. It is not ex- cessively powerful in numbers, for 18,000 comrades serve the machinery of the apparatus over a gigantic ter- ritory, comprising a sixth of the sur- face of the globe. Over one half of these 18,000 comrades are technical workers, whilst only 7,000 to 8,000 comrades are politically active. Quantitively, the capitalist governments and ruling | down the basis for its continuance. the number does not appear to us to be excessively high. And it must not be forgotten that our Party ap- paratus is not merely occupied with propaganda and agitation as is the case in other countries, but that its main efforts are directed towards the regulation of the state machinery. The Party apparatus has to concern itself with every question, whether it relate to the mobilization of an army, to the grant of debentures for a gold loan, or to some campaign to be undertaken out in the country. We are of the opinion that our Party apparatus is the best part of the Party, that it forms the firm bony framework of the Party. When our “opposition” begins to criticise the ‘apparatus, we declare such an atti- tude to be entirely un-Bolshevist. It ‘is completely unpermissible to oppose these two ideas, and is equal to an) attempt to oppose the bony frame-/| work of a human being to the human \ ‘organism as such. Of comrse it goes | without saying that the framework | does not suffice in itself. Bomes can do nothing without muscles. Degeneracy Into Menshevism. The Party apparatus represents the bony framework of the Party. We know very well that there are such things as diseases of the bone, even fncurable ones. But this does not apply to our framework. It is solely the semi-Menshevist elements, unable to bear the Bolshevist fist, the Bol- shevist centralism, the firm Bolske- vist grasp which alone is capable of Jaying hand on the bureaucrats, who are continually groaning that the ap- paratus is an armored shell, per- fectly unbearable. But only un- bearable, we reply, to those whom We are obliged to hold on the lead. , Av small minority of our Party has Just started a great campaign against the Party apparatus. The comrades of the “opposition” are here lapsing into a semi-Menshevist manner of thought. But it is nevertheless a rather too primitive ‘weapon, and a demagogic insinuation, to exclaim now: “Aha! Now you want to main- tain that Trotzky and Radek are Men- sheviki?” People do not become either Bol- sheviki or Mensheviki over night. This is a matter of gradual develop- ment. Often it requires months, sometimes it even takes years. Ali that we can assert is that the attitude adopted indicates a development in the direction of Menshevism. This view of the role of the old Bolshevist Party apparatus reminds us strongly of our old differences with the Men- sheviki. If Comrade Radek and the other comrades revise their standpoint, our present dispute will have become a mere episode within a few weeks; it will seem to us like a bad dream, speedily forgotten. But if the “op. position” perseveres in its error, or goes to the length of forming a frac- tion based on its wrong views, then into Menshevism. Previous Discussions. I recall to your recollection the first conflict in the Social Democratic ‘Party of Russia, at its II. Party Congress in London in 1903, leading to the first split of the party into Bolsheviki and Mensheviki. What ‘was the cause of the schism at that time? It was carried thru at that time by Lenin along the line or the follow- ing differences of opinion. The point under discussion was No. 1 of the Party statutes, defining membership of the Party. Two drafts formulating this para- graph were submitted, one drawn, up by Lenin, the other by Martov*. The Lenin draft was as follows: “Every- one is taken to be a member of the Party who recognizes its program, and who supports it by material means, and by -personal participation in the work of one of the organiza- tions of the Party.” Martov’s draft, on the other hand, was worded as follows: “A member of the: Party is he who recognizes its program, sup- ports the Party materially, and gives the Party regular personal support under the control of the Party.” Martov, seconded by Paul Axelrod, thus demanded a looser and less defi- nate form of organization. Lenin, who had at that time Plekhanov as comrade in arms, was on the other hand anxious for a really strict or- ganization of disciplined revolution- ists. This at the beginning was the ex- tent of the whole difference of opin- ion in both directions. At that time many comrades believed that the whole disagreement was merely a matter of choice of wording. But Lenin had already made a correct diagnosis of both tendencies on the basis of these differences, and wrote as follows: Lenin’s Analysis. “The conflict has split our Party into two camps, into the camp of the Jacobins and that of the Girondists of the proletarian revoltion.” This was indeed a penetrating di- agnosis, and not only this, but at the same time an ingénious prognasis. Now, comrades, compare our pres- ent differences of opinion with the “opposition” to the differences which ‘arose 20 years ago. You will be com- pelled to come to the conclusion that these are very much greater today, in the year 1923, than they were in |i 1903. And yet they do not by any means imply the necessity of a split in the Party. I repeat: If the minor- ity recognize their errors, and liqui- ‘date these within a few weeks, then the whole dispute will remain nothing but an episode. But if the attempt is made to gather together all the Decisions of the Central Executive Committee During the week ending April 5th, the Central Executive Committee of the Workers Party made the follow- ing decisions: ‘Ttichigan Farmer-Labor Party—In- structed the District Organizer in Michigan in regard to steps to be taken in scien a Farmer-Labor rty, in Mic! in. Chleegs Garment. Workers Strike— Instructed the, District Executive Committee to issue a statement of the Party policy in the Garment Workers strike, drawing the lessons of the strike to date, and laying Lettish Semi-Monthly Paper—Con- sented to the continuance of the semi- monthly Lettish paper “Strahdneeks” on. the following conditions: 1—That the paper be transferred to Boston and come under the juris- diction of the Bureau of the Fed- eration. 2—That Comrade Robert Zelms, Secreta: Mas the Federation, act as edito: e rT. That the title of ownership of the paper shall be vested in the C. E. C. of the Party. 4—That the paper spongy Aa a vigorous cam} against opportun- int tendencion in the Latish yet inst leftist sec- terisbions of the rete opposition outside of the Party. Juliet Stuart Poyntz work in marae —Adepted a statement concurring in \ \ a report of a ‘ial committee of the International Workers Relief on Com- rade Juliet Stuart Poyntz’s work while in Europe and approving of the work of Comrade Poyntz while there. Freiheit Editorial Board—A; proved of the appointment of Schach- no Epstein, M. Epstein, and L. Katz as the editorial board in ee of the editorial management of the \- heit.. This board had been selected by the Jewish Bureau, subject to the approval of the C. BE. C, Fraternally submitted,) C.-E. RUTHENBERG, Executive Secretary. Hi Jinks At West Concord, N. H. Young comrades of West Concord, N. H., are planning to present a lively program to the local Trade Union Educational League, April 12, at Oak Hall, 7:30 p,m. The youfig workers promise to make the evening’s enter- tainment novel and amusing and ex- pect a generous turn-out on the part of Trade Union Educational League members of West Concord. Disease Still Rampant. LOS ANGELES, Calif., A 8.— Another outbreak of the foot and mouth disease faced state and ES fa health authorities ae Ry ek 3 geet So oe ee hogs in the Lankersh' where 1,000 were found diseased earlier in the week, Wednesday, ‘April 9, 1f views the Main Points of Difference tendencies which have already shown themselves, and which will continue to make themselves felt; if these tendencies are tenaciously pursued until a fraction is formed, then a broad chasm will appear between the two trends of opinion, broader than the chasm which once divided us from the Mensheviki, The minority, as is invariably the case, seeks to mask its position. It naturally does nx “py that it is op- posed to the Bolshevist Party appara- tus, but “only”? that it is opposed to the bureaucracy in the apparatus, which has got into a rut, requires re- newal, etc. It need not be empha- sized that we are all epposed to our apparatus falling into a rut°of bu- Treaucracy. But what is the real truth about bureaucracy? Opposed Bureaucracy. We have been fighting it openly in the state apparatus for years! At the ‘VIII. Soviet Congress, held in December, 1920, a special address was devoted to the struggle against the bureaucracy of our apparatus. Bureaucracy has thus been fought quite openly. At that time the Cen- tral Committee had chosen me. to speak on this subject. In 1920 the Mensheviki were still a legal party. Martov, who took part in this con- gress, scoffed at us: “Now you have had three years of your dictatorship, and you suddenly come along with a fight against bureaucracy!” We replied to these gentlemen: “Laugh as much as you like, all the same bureaucracy will have to be fought against for years.” Lenin, in the course of his speech, made the jfollowing observation: “Anyone who believes that bureau- cracy can disappear within a few months is a charlatan, for bureau- cracy is deeply rooted in the struc- ture of the country, and in the whole social history of Russia. There are many illiterates in our country, it was bureaucratically ruled for centuries under Czarism, the rule of absolu- tion rendered bribery a general phe- nomenon, customary all over the country. “Besides this, the country is poor, which again conduces to bureaucracy. At one time we were in such a posi- tion that we had to divide ten pairs of boots among three hundred per- sons. How could we manage this? Well, commands were given, then counter-commands, special commis- sions were appointed. All this natur- ally strengthened bureaucracy.” How to Destroy Bureaucracy. The conclusion arrived at by Lenin was as follows: “In order to destroy bureaucracy, the first thing is to have an adequate supply of boots, that is, the country must not be so poor. Further, illiteracy must be abolished, and finally, bribery must disappear. In other words, the cultural level of the working class must be raised.” We put the question in the same manner at the present juncture. We are as little able today as then to open out rose-colored vistas, and can promise nothing. Perhaps Comrade Radek can promise us that if we give him the workers’ democracy (inter- jection from Radek: No, I cannot promise it.)—well then, if not Radek, then perhaps Comrade Trotzky—he will abolish bureaucracy in Russia within half a year, or even a whole year. We for our part cannot prom- ise any such thing. We state can- didly that we require years, for the first prerequisite is the raising of the cultural level of the country, and the disappearance of illiteracy. It is not at all the case that Radek and Trotzky hate bureaucracy, whilst we of the C. C. love it. This is not the question at all, comrades, the real point is the significance of the iron framework represented by the Bol- shevist Part; araus, our real fight- inst. Menshevism. It is precisely this iron weapon which is so detested, for it causes much un- pleasantness to certain elements. (To Be Continued Thursday) (*See: G. Zinoviev. “History of the Russian Communist Party.” 1923. Chap. 3.) Queer Landlord Was Good, Yet Rich; Had Very Fine Funeral (By The Federated Press) CLEVELAND, 0., April 8—“Land- lord Ben” Yetra, the ideal landlord, is dead, and his funeral was attend- ed by such a crowd of steel workers and their friends that the street in front of his home was packed for two blocks, For the landlord who never fired a tenant out wecause ho couldn’t pay rent and who provided food for steel workers’ families wh: the mills shut down was known an by the whole steel mill neigh- borhood. Coming to this country as a poor immigrant from Hungary 82 years ago, Landlord Ben started working tor the steel company at 98 cents a oy and caved up enough money to his wife and paby across the pond, Together he and his wife toiled until they had enough ahead to a little grocery store, and as ir savings grew, they invested in houses to shelter some 50 of their picunllgpcaart Bato de we not only generous is tenants, but to worker who came to him for ald. When hard times came, he would bing his Seaaa and cme hi ‘or grocery and rent. Despite his wee? Yetra prospered: Sabnaliy, a 8 ig Fich in the is affections of wen, How eee how Russia is gradually buildin, herself up EIGHT REELS OF MOVIES \ ATALE OF TWO REPUBLICS RUSSIA and GERMANY To Be Shown ZEIGLER, ILL., April 9, Empire Theatre LIVINGSTON, ILL., April 10, Eagle Theatre COLLINSVILLE, ILL., April 11, Miner’s Temple GRANITE CITY, ILL., April 12, Rialto Theatre VALIER, ILL., April 13, Palace Theatre CARLINVILLE, ILL., April 14, Marvel Theatre KINCAID, ILL., April 15, Kincaid Theatre TAYLORVILLE, ILL., April 16, Elk Theatre AUBURN, ILL. April 17, American Theatre SEF why there is no Revolutionin German BENLD, ILL., April 18, Grand Theatre ] DECATUR, ILL., April 19, Public High School ‘ VERDIN, ILL., April 20, Rex Theatre \ WESTVILLE, ILL., April 21, Orpheum Theatre AMSTERDAM, N. Y., April 22, Keith Theatre LINCOLN, ILL., April 22, Lyric Theatre STAUNTON, ILL., April 23, Labor Temple Theatre PEORIA, ILL., April 26, Majestic Theatre ROCHESTER, N. Y., April 27, Amalgamated Clothing Workers’ Hall PEKIN, ILL., April 29, Empire Theatre. All Proceeds Go Toward the Relief of the Workers of Germany Thru the Committee for International Workers’ ‘Aid Friends of Soviet Russia and Workers’ Germany AMERICAN SECTION 32 So. Wabash Avenue Chicago, Il. Los ‘Angeles Readers, Notice! A CONFERENCE FOR THE PROTEC- TION OF THE FOREIGN BORN Will be held April 17th, 8 P. M., in Room 200-224 So. Spring St. All Labor Unions and fraternal organizations should be rep- resented. Night and Morning Have Clean, Healthy Eyes, If they Tire, Itch Simart, Burn or Dis- or Granulated, use Murine often. Refreshes, Soothes, Safe for Infant or Adult. At.ail Druggists. Write tor Free €ye Book. Murine Bye Remedy Co., 9 Kast Ohio St., Chicago StatePublishers of Russia (Gosisdat) The Representative in the United States and Canada will fill orders FOR RUSSIAN BOOKS, MAGAZINES, ETC. 12,000 Titles to Select From. Regular discount to dealers and organizations. Write for Catalogue. Subscription accepted for: Isvestia . . ......$2.00 per month Economic Life . .$2.50 per month Pravda . , ....«..$3.00 per month GOSISDAT, 15 PARK ROW, New York City SAVE MONEY! Best Make Sewing Machines $10, $15, $20 5 year guarantee—City wide delivery 970 MILWAUKEE AVENUE Phone Monroe 4680 GOLLIN BROS. Formerly With Mandel Bros. UPHOLSTERING done in your own home very reasonable. 6006 SO. KOMENSKY AVE. Call REPUBLIC 3788 GOOD CLOTHES for Men and Boys Shoes -- Furnishings -- Hats —Two stores— Lincoln & Wrightwood Avenues Lincoln Ave, & Irving Park Blvd. Open Thursday and Saturday Even.ags. 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