The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 5, 1924, Page 5

“The idea becomes power when it pene- trates the masses.” —Karl Marx. Special Magazine Supplement TH SECOND SECTION April 5th. 1924, This “ magazine supplement will i in The Daily Worker. ' 0 ere) ie Opposition Camouflaged As F riendship ALOE STEEN HE Communist International has beeome more sensible and there- fore more acceptable—is the histori- cal dictum of J. B. S, Hardman in the March issue of the “American Labor Monthly.” Now, there are many ways in which history can be written. But there is only one good way, the correct and scientific way, whose first prere- quisite is: searching after facts. First get your facts and then build your theory. Our estimable J. B. S. Hard- man has gone about the matter the other way round. He_first invented a theory (a philosophy of history, if you please), and then proceeded to fashion the facts to fit his theory. The result is a historical] analysis which “proves” a case—-his own case against the Communist International and its American seg¢tion. But let us take up his history first. J. B. S. finds that within the Com- munist International, altho dominat- ed by Lenin and guided by the spirit of Marxian philosophy, “traces of former leaders and thinkers are clearly discernible.” A very inno- cent and harmless statement, indeed. Surely the Communist International is not the beginning of all begin- nings, neither is Lenin, nor is Marx for_that matter. Into the making of the Communist International have gone the tested and proven ideas and experiences of generations of pro- letarian struggle. History—any kind of history—means first of all con- tinuity of development. But what does this. prove? Well, J. B. S. Hardman has not made the above statenient for noth- ing. It was done for a purpose, which becomes — immediately upon at “perhaps ... (the trace) ... of Blanqui is one of the most conspicuous influences in ‘the Communist world organization, and it may do to enter into an analysis of the Communist International with a glimpse into this particular social philosophy.” So, there you are. The philosophy of Blanqui was one of the most con- spicuous influences in the Commun- ist International. Well, that is not new. Read the literature of the so- cial-patriots and bétrayers of the working class the world over and you will find there not merely traces of what J. B, S. says now, but the very same thing-verbatim. Our good, old friend J. B. S. is here merely re- eating Kautsky, Scheidemann, Mac- Donald and all the rest of the noble knights of the 2nd International. And if we would care to go a little deeper into history, we could remind our friend J. B. S. that Blanquism was the first big charge against the Bolsheviks preferred by the Menshe- vik Brotherhood as far back as the year 1903-1904, Lenin, according to his menshevik opponents in the old Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party, was the father of the Blanquist Revival in Russia. So that’s that. It is apparent that J. B. S, is not ‘ exactly in love with the Communist International. He simply does not manent insurrection. How dare they,. anyway? And to think of it, that even the Communist International has been catering to it! It looks very terrible, indeed, but it is not, What J. B. S. Hardman Means to say is merely this: that in| the first two years of its life the’ ‘Communist International was basing its policies and strategy on the im- mediate approach of a direct prole- tarian struggle for power. To a very large extent this is so. But what of it? What’s wrong about it? It is here, at this point, that J. B. S. has unwittingly touched the very crux of the problem. . Yes, the policy and strategy of the Communist International, not only in but up till this very moment, are based on a revolutionary orientation. The theory of it is that since the be- ginning of the last war capitalism has entered into the last phase of |- its development. It is approaching its end. No one can foretell with ab- solute certainty how soon the end will come. But it is sufficient to know that the entire world, with the possi- ble exception of America, is passing thru a revolutionary crisis. This theory is based on facts. And if our imaginative historian of the “American Labor Monthly” has any taste at all for economies, we might take up the details of it at some fu- ture date. For the present sufficient to say that the broad lines of strategy of the Communist International to- day as well as three years ago are based on this theory. This does not mean that every country in the world is on the verge of a revolution. Some countries are closer to it than others. And then _— it is also a matter of tempo, of rate of development. At one time, particularly during 1919-1920, this tempo of revolutionary development was very quick, so much so that the proletarian seizure of power was the question of the day in Central Eu- rope, the Balkans and Italy. During ‘the years of 1920-23 the rate of rev- olutionary development slackened down, but at the.end of 1923 and be- inning of 1924 the world situation as become extremely critical again. These changes of tempo necessitate of course, changes in Communist tac- ties, but the general strategy remains the same. The inconsistency of some ‘‘cen- trist” minds is really peculiar. In his historical review of the Commun- ist International J. B. S. quotes a pas- sage from a resolution adopted at the 8rd congress of the Communist In- ternational. It reads: “The distinction (between Com- munists and Social-Democrats—A. B.) is in the fact that Social-Demo- crats hinder the actual development of the revolution by rendering all possible assistance in the way of re- storing the equilibrium of the bour- geois state while the Communists, on the other hand, are trying to take ad- vantage of all means and methods for the purpose of overthrowing and de- stroying the capitalist government like it. He never did. The reason? |and establishing the dictatorship of Well, the Communist International is not precisely what he would like it to be. It does not come up to his con- ception of taste, yes, “revolutionary” taste, for our imaginative historian of the “American Labor Monthly” is a man of taste and what he terms, culture. ! However, this is beside the point. Elaborating further on his charge against the Communist International, J. B. 8. Hardman defines Blanquism as a belief in “permanent proletarian insurrection.” And after having sat- isfied himself that this definition offers a suitable weapon of attack, he — to deliver himself of the ollowing “historical truth’: “In the first year or two of its life, the Communist International came very near sa ng the above cited ideal of the Blanquists: it had too much of ~ perso to be peers a permanent organization tarian insurrection.” Proletarian insurrection! What a contemptible thing, particularly per- the proletariat.” J. B. S. quotes this passage ap- provingly, which would seem to in- dicate that he agrees with it.’ Then why in the name of logic, is he rav- ing against the first two years of the Communist International? Was not the Communist International doing precisely what the quoted passage calls for, that is, taking’ advantage of all means and methods for the purpose of overthrowing... etc.? And the only thing that can be said in addition is that the efforts of the Social-Democrats to hinder the de- | velopment of the revolution and to ‘restore the equilibrium of the capi- ‘talist state were in some instances ;More successful than the revolution- ary efforts of the Communists. But | what has Blanqui got to do with it? Well, he has something to do with it. ust read what’s coming: the first two years of its Scieteaea, = “There followed in rapid succes- sion prescriptions of war measures. Parliamentary action for political (7) purposes was thrown into discard. .. The trade union movement... was to be scrapped...new purist un- ions were to be built...the revolu- tion was to be the task of small min- orities...revolutionary organizations centralized and secret... etc., ete,” Horrible, horrible. It looked like a veritable nightmare. But now— now, thank God, things do look dif- ferent. The Communist International had finally seen the light (emanat- ing from J. B. S.) and has turned from “Romantic Insurrectionism to Revolutionary Realism,” all in capi- tal letters. It may be useless perhaps to re- fer a historian of an imaginative turn of mind te facts, What are facts to him and what is he to facts? Nevertheless an attempt must be made to instruct our over-imagina- tive writer of the “American Labor Monthly” in a few elementary prin- ciples. The doings of the Communist In- ternational lie within the age of his- tory, i. e., they are embodied in books, resolutions, theses and state- ments by responsible and recognized leaders of the Communist Interna- tional, Why not refer to official doc- uments. Is not that the natural course? Of course, it is, but not for J. B.S. For him and his cause it was! so much more convenient to ignore official documents. Why? Because mere reference to them and to the actual history of the Communist Jn- ternational.. would instantaneously explode to shreds all the foolish and ridiculous charges brought forth with so much pomp and ceremony. “The Communist International dis- carded praliamentary action.” Non- sense. Read the proceedings of its congresses. Study the life-history of the various Communist groups an parties even of the year of 1919- 1920’ and you will see how ridicu- lous this assertion is . Of course, there were anti-par- liamentarian groups and tendencies in certain sections of the Communist International, In some sections these tendencies were more pronounced than in others. But here is the im- portant thing to be borne inmind, that the Communist International always and consistently opposed these tendencies, trying to educate and convince the workers of the necessity of parliamentary action for revolu- tionary purposes. Watch For Our : “May Day Special” AY DAY is only a few weeks off. The class-conscious workers all over the world are already preparing to celebrate the day by proletarian solidarity and lutionary working class power. Special” of THE DAILY WORKER y, April 26, 1924, will contain a rich - The “May to be dated revo- and interesting selection of articles and cartoons prepared especially for the occasion. _ Watch for “The May Day Special”. “The trade union movement was to be scrapped and new purist unions formed over night.” Nonsense again. The policy of the Communist Inter- national, as embodied in its official decisions and literature, was from the very beginning directed towards one end: to win the trades unions over to the revolutionary class struggle. To be sure, in the practical appli- cation of this policy many difficulties were encountered. In a few sections of the Communist International some serious deviations from this policy occurred at one time or another, But here again it must be remembered that the instructive and guiding as- sistance of the Communist Interna- tional was always and immediately at hand to correct these mistakes and deviations. “The revolution was to be the task of small minorities.” Here’s where Comrade Blanqui’s ghost appears again. But that’s nothing. It does not frighten any one. Communists can sit with Blanqui even bodily in one room and not become contaminated. The revolutionary strategy of the Communist International is by now so well established in our minds that this talk about “minorities” sounds to us like pre-ancient history. We simply don’t take it seriously. “Revolutionary organizations cen- tralized and secret.” Well, well, this is some charge. To which we reply: Centralized? Sure, always, the de- gree and form of centralization to be determined by the actual conditions ‘of the class struggle. Anything | wrong in that? Nothing that we can see, and this is and has been the po- sition of the tional. Secret? No, not always. As con- ditions demand. But always remem- ber that legality with the Commun- ist International is not a fetish. Nor is illegality for that matter, It is a ‘form of organizational existence iwhich our enemies succeed: at times in imposing upon us, When they do, we take it, and proceed further along the road of revolutionary struggle. This is and has been the position of the Communist International. In concluding his excursion into the history of the Communist Inter- national, J. B, S. attempts to take a fling also at the Workers Party of America. In order to make it more effective, we presume, he makes use of a statement published editorially by “Die New Yorker Volkszeitung” to the effect that Comrade Zinoviev was not justified in expecting “de- sirable surprises in the American La- bor Movement.” The “Volkszeitung”’ does not believe that our movement is advancing fast enough to warrant such expectations. Well, we are compellad to say that Comrade Zinoviev, altho not residing ‘in America and therefore not in pos- ‘session of first hand knowledge about American affairs, has in this case bet- ter and truer gauged the present sit- ‘uation in the American lalbr move- ment than has the “Folkszeutung.” The Workers Party seems to be in complete agreement with the Com- munist International and with Com- rade Zinovievy that we are perfectly ‘justified in expecting such agreeable ‘surprises in the American labor | movement. The recent developments in the movement for a mass farmer- labor party is proof sufficient. | J. B.S. is fully entitled to enjoy | whatever little comfort he can de- jrive from the fact that the “Volks- zeitung” believes in this case as it oes. But this is neither here nor there. His case against. the Commun- ist International has not been strengthened at all. He will have to look for other means—more effective than this. We are sorry to say that the Com- munist International is today just as “bad” as it was three years ago. The same revolutionary philosophy and strategy. The same determin:tion to ‘fight capitalism to a finish, and even the same youthful bouvarsy. Only it has grown—considerably grown— in power and influence. For the rest, the-same old boy, and for that we love it, Communist Interna-