The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 28, 1924, Page 6

Se ee Page Six THE DAILY WORKER Friday, March 28, 1924 Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1640 N. Halsted St., Chieago, Ill. (Phone: Lincoln 7680.) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $6.00 per year $8,50..6 months $2.00..3 months B ail (in Chicago only): . NLb0 6 months $2.50. .8 months $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1640 N, Halsted Street J. LOUIS ENGDAHL WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB.........+.+ Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. ee The Race For Ruin Representatives of the armed air forces, of the United States and Great Britain are racing around the world and here we have a clear exampie of the prostitution of scientific dis- coveries and mechanical advances to the service of imperialism. : Not only has a purely scientific project been given a competitive national character, but the entire expedition is of a military nature— handled by national militaristic groups whose interest in the experiment is to determine the relative efficiency of military aircraft of both nations. ; From the public statements of the aviators it is easily seen that the expeditions are mere- ly mimic warfare. The British announce that they intend to beat the Americans and the Americans are equally determined to humble the Britishers; each group of contestants will use the experience gained in the flight to make improvements in their fighting machines. Almost the entire field of aircraft develop- ment is in the hands of capitalist governments which means that it is available principally for warfare—offensive warfare because the air- plane is not a defensive, but an offensive weapon whose major function, according to the admissions of the aircraft experts, will be laying waste to territories inhabited by* non- combatants. ‘Destroying the civilian morale of the enemy” is the euphemistic phrase used to decribe the bombing and gassing of towns, cities and countrysides by the enthusiastic ex- ponents of military aircraft technique. Modern capitalism mobilizes for the purpose of war and loot, for the subjugation of the workingclass of its own and enemy nations, the scientific discoveries that, properly used, would make this globe a paradise by eliminat- ing heartbreaking toil and linking the world peoples together in one huge family. Communism proposes to do this and upon the heads of the Communists therefore is poured the bitterest denunciation by those who see nothing incongruous in using the wonder of air-navigation to bring death and misery in- stead of a fuller and happier life to the toiling millions. But idealism and a vision of a better future accomplishes little against the destructive tech- nigue of modern capitalism, so Communists, in addition to urging the workers to organize and concentrate their power against the capitalist state, urge likewise the acceptance of every opportunity by the workers to master the in- tricate machines of modern industry and war- fare so that in the struggle for power that will come the workers may also use them. The lackeys of capitalism must be deprived of a monopoly of the state power thru the breaking of their monopoly on mechanical means of suppression as well.as by the destruction of their monopoly of the press and other avenues of information and education. Chicago, Illinois Advertising rates on application. Capitalist Nationalism One of the stock-in-trade arguments of the tapitalist apologists, liberal and conservative, progressive and reactionary alike, in behalf of the present economic system is that it permits and fosters the growth of nationalism, of the existence of independent national groups en- abling the various peoples to develop their peculiar spirits, cultures and other obscure virtues. As usual the objective facts give the lie to the high-sounding claims of the capitalist champions. The present system, breeding wars and national strife, is decimating the various peoples occupying the continent of Europe. Capitalist customs barriers, employ- ing class tariffs, complicated money system, oppressive profiteers’ taxes to maintain huge armies to suppress the workers and peasants and perpetuate capitalism, are only a few of the inherent capitalist forces at work, under- mining the very existence of the nations whose independence is supposed to be so sacred to the League of Nations. The attempt to apply the fraudulent formula of capitalist nationalism has given the coup de grace to the heralded efficient economic system it took two generations to build up. On the ruins of the Austro-German machinery of pro- duction there have risen many so-called nationalities that are the very antithesis of the principle of self-determination and national freedom. Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Jugo- Slavia, and the Baltic countries are only pup- pets in the hands of the French and British imperialists. The governing cliques of these eguntries are the very ones drowning these vaffous national peoples in blood and misery. The only country in the world where nation- al independence is a reality and not a sham behind which there hide the imperialist hang- men of the masses of all peoples, is Soviet Russia, the implacable foe of capitalism and the vanguard of Communist Internationalism. 4, ann \ THE DAILY WORKER. | Bishops and Bayonets Bishop Nicholson, of the Methodist Church, has come out against the pacifist movement in his organization. In an interview the worthy bishop says: “If the flag is fired on I will be in the forefront of those demanding its defense.” If we understand the viewpoint of the paci- fists this is exactly what they complain of— the fact that bloody-mouthed prelates and politicians are always willing to be in the front ranks of those DEMANDING defense, but that their military ardor is satisfied with this vicarious method of participating in the slaughter. : The casualty list of the last imperialist struggle contained but few names of those demanding defense; it was the dupes of the demanders that paid the price of death, dis- ease and misery. We do not take the pacifist position; on the contrary we consider it a danger to the work- ingclass faced with the armed might of the capitalist state, but we heartily join with the embattled bible students in urging that bishops and bankers, employers and editors of war- mongering sheets—the whole tribe of capital- istic panderers—hbe considered first line troops in the next war brought on by clashing im- perialist interests. There is little hope of this desirable result occurring, but it is interesting to visualize the panic that would ensue among the big-paunched, soft-handed dispensers of advice to the workers to go and get them- selves killed gladly whenever the ruling robber band sends out word to its lackeys that its wealth and power are in danger. Bishops will talk enthusiastically about bayonets when there is no danger of their own robes being punctured, but the peaceful mes- sage of the master will be quickly called to mind if there is a remote possibility of their coming in contact with the business end. Under such circumstances there doubtless would be a remarkable unanimity in the agree- ment of the church militant to surrender even the front line position in the ranks of those who were simply demanding “defense of the flag” and other emblems and institutions of modern capitalism. Why the Change? Judging by the character of the new publi- city drive launched by the entire capitalist press of the country against the continuation of the Teapot and Daugherty scandal investi- gations, one cannot fail to be impressed with its being very much akin to the powerful drive organized several months ago in behalf of the} Mellon scheme. Just as the Mellon maneuver was a product of careful planning, heavily financed by the big business interests, so is this present drive. The new publicity campaign, in which the yellow Hearst sheets are especial- ly active, bears all the earmarks of an organ- ized conspiracy, far more devolped than even the Mellon and Bok peace schemes. The central point in the entire tirade against the continuation of the investigations is that Congress ought to wake up and do something. The demand is now made that the Senate should stop being a grand jury and resume its normal function of serving as a legislative body. Bitter complaint is being made against the failure to secure legislation on certain big questions confronting the country. The ways of gods and politics are surely devious. They are particularly devious when the economic class interests of the employers demand their being so. Why the complete change of front? How comes it to be that the Hearst. sheets, always feeding the poor “public” on the dirtiest of sex and other scan- dals and peddling the worst of morbid “stuff,” are now yelling against being overfed with Washington scandals? What has happened to its news stomach, always accustomed to the coarsest of food, that it is now too delicate to digest the information about the rottenness of capitalist control of government? What has happened to change the minds of the hired editors that they are now shrieking for more laws? Was it not only a few weeks ago that they were up in arms against Congress enact- ing so many laws and were demanding that the House ard the Senate stop legislating and keep its hands off business? Why are these jackals and hyenas of the capitalist world now spitting, growling and crouching against the calling of witnesses from the underworld to show what is what about Daugherty and Cool- idge when all their lives they have specialized in feeding the readers on the sensations of such witnesses? Have not these same under- world thugs been the most trusted agents of our cabinet? Have not their same capitalist masters organized leagues against the enact- ment of more laws only a few months ago? Why are these bankers and manufacturers now so anxious to secure legislation on the bonus and the railroad question when but yesterday they fought tooth and nail against the con- sideration of these problems by Congress? {Why the change? We have a hunch. We know. The employing class of this country does not fear legislation. The delicate balance of power in Congress Coolidge can be counted upon by them to veto most if not all laws ob- jectionable to the bosses. But a continuation of the investigations always bears the danger of someone spilling information which will tend to undermine further the already shaken confidence of the masses in the strikebreaking government of the United States. Herein lies the fear. Herein lies the cause of the change. And herein lies the best reason for the workers and farmers to put a halt to these criminal efforts of their employers and to force a con- tinuation of these investigations to the limit. The Minority In the British Trade Unions By CHARLES ASHLEIGH. (Written Specially for the Daily Worker.) HE last few weeks have witnessed a definite and encouraging revival of the left-wing spirit among the rank and file of the British labor un- ions. It will need all of the best tac- tical and organizational efforts of the British militants to give this new spirit a direction, a crystallization, so that it does not uselessly expend itself, and thus leave the movement where it was before. There have been attempts before at the organization of a minority movement in the British labor un- ions. For some years, there existed various local organizations, Industrial Leagues, ete., which drew, in great measure, their inspiration from’ the industrial unionist propaganda in America. Members of the British Socialist-Labor Party played a con- siderable part in these early organ- izations. They did not, however, share the dualist conceptions which prevailed, at that time, in the. Unit- ed States, and sought to bring about industrial unionism thru educational and agitational work within the ex- isting unions. Syndicalist Agitation. Then, with the return of Tom Mann to Britain, there came a devel- opment of Syndicalist agitation. A number of militants were grouped around Tom Mann, and the “Indus- trial Syndicalist,” was published as their organ. These British Syndical- ists owed far less to the Anarchist |tradition, however, than did their conferes in the Latin countries. Their point of view was strongly Marxian, altho their position regarding parlia- mentarianism was that of our An- archo-Syndicalist friends. It was be- fore the Russian revolution, when the revolutionary conception of the na- ture and historical functions of the capitalist state had not clarified in such marked degree as it later did, thru the clear and scientific teaching of Lenin. Still later, during the war, there came the Shop-Stewards’ Movement, the first real attempt to create, on a national scale, a left-wing industrial movement. This was in the time of the shop committees, the period of the heroic struggles of the workers of the Clyde, led by their shop stew- ards, This movement, however, laid special emphasis on the creation of shop committees, at the expense of the other necessary tactics—the pen- etration of the trade unions, the con- version of the Trades Councils. into organs of militant action. For this reason, partly, and also probably be- This is “The Story of se Brown,” by Michael Gold. b- lished by the DAILY WORKER thru arrangement with Haldeman- Julius Company, of Girard, Kans. Copyrighted, 1924, by Haldeman- Julius Company. +e e * The Situation in Kansas. As JOHN BROWN left for Kan- sas, he turned to his wife and the remaining members of hi family and said: “If it is so pain- ful for us to part with the hope of meeting again, how must it be with the poor slaves, who have no hope?” John Brown was always san- guine in his ventures; but the events before him would have tried the hope of a superman; they were to be bloody, exacting, terrible. It was what he needed, however for John Brown went to Kansas with a greater project in his mind, the attack on Virginia and the South, and Kansas was to be for him the rough, harsh school in which he could train himself for that supreme effort. Evolution From Pacifist to Warrior. With his youngest son, Oliver, then about eighteen years old, and a son-in-law, Henry Thomp- son, John Brown left Chicago in August, The party had a heavily Yoaded wagon drawn by a “nice, stout, young horse,” that was. stricken with distemper when they, reached Missouri, and could bare- ly drag himself along. Their progress was therefore slow; a scant seven or eight miles a day. But it gave them an oppo: to see ie be ne ie Mis- souri, then fiercely pro-slavery, and the reservoir from which were drawn most of the border ruffians who were raiding Kan- sas, and trying to force it into the phalanx slavery states, Companies of armed men were constantly passin, on the route to sas, and were continually boasting what deeds of patriotism chivalry ‘they ‘had there, and of tne still mighty deeds they were do.” As Brown wrote home in letter, “No man of them. blush when telling of their treading down and terrifying de- fenseless Free State men; ed to take particular satisfaction in telling of the fine horses and ules t) had killed their ee * itions pe the | by i ced numerous : damned _Abollitfonists.” “The Story cause of the great slump after the war, the shop committee movement lapsed. The Red International. And then, for a long dreary time, during which, the offensive of capital had its Own predatory way with wages, hours and shop conditions, and the unions lost hundreds of thou- sands of members, there were but sporadic, scattered attempts at the bhilding-up of areal nation-wide movement within the trade unions. Nevertheless, preparations were being made., The Communist Party of Great Britain had come into being, with its definite policy of trade un- ions work, along the lings laid down by the International. A British Bur- eau of the Red International of Labor Unions had been established in the United Kingdom. And slowly the ae of the 1&ft began to reassem- le. The problem in Great Britain is somewhat similar to that in America, The British workers live Been iso- lated from the currents of European Socialism. Their economic position, for years, was better than that of the| workers of all other great European powers. The colonial empire of Bri- tain enabled certain sections of the British proletariat to be maintained by the employers in comparative comfort—at the expense of the toil- ing millions of India, Egypt and other lands, The workers’ leaders, thete- fore, and wide strata of the workers themselves, were saturated in the ideology of the small bourgeoisie. It has required the disconcerting sud- denness of the reduction of their standard of. living, since the war, to bring them to some realization of the necessity of vital changes in trade union structure and tactics. Now, however, the soil is prepared; the objective conditions for the revolu- tionizing of the British trade union movement are present. What is now needgd is the perfection of the me- chanism by which the revolutionists may take advantage of these condi- tions. - The Gigantic Task. And, slowly, this mechanism, ap- pears to be evolving. It is slow work, and all due account must be taken of the special traditions and psycho- logy of the British organized. work- ers, The launching of @uridly worded manifestoes, the calling of enthusias- tic conferences—at which splendid speeches are made, but no definite plans for future work are formulated —are not enough. Laboriously and laid, in the great key industries, for carefully, the ground-work must be a real vital rank-and-file movement, a movement which will not be-some- thing superimposed upon the workers, but which will answer their immedi- ate needs, and will grow up out of their own efforts. In this task, the duty of guidance and leadership falls upon the Communists and the adher- ents of the Red International of La- bor Unions. There are already signs that the British minority movement is at last getting on to an organized basis. There is at present, for example, discontent among the miners. Nego- tiations are proceeding withthe mine- owners, and there is a definite likeli- hood of a great industrial struggle in the mining industry. And it is precisely among the miners that the militant left-wing movement is grow- ing apace. On February 16, the first issue of “The Mineworker” appeared, the fortnightly official organ of the National Miners’ Minority movement. Already two issues of this journal have appeared, and its reception among the miners has-been most en- couraging. After the publication of the first number, letters and articles literally poured into the office, signi- fying the intense interest which the miners are taking in the movement. Miners Active. There have recently been held dis- trict and national conferences of the militant, progressive miners, with the result that a movement, on an or- ganized national scale, has now been started. A program of demands has been drawn up, which the rank-and- file is pressing upon the Executive of the Miners’ Federation of Great Bri- tain, urging them to make it the basis of their demands in their nego- tiations with the employers, The program includes such demands as: (1) Wages to be’ based on the cost of living, the basis of which shall be the wages paid in 1914; (2) A week- ly wage to be guaranteed to all workers; (3) The six-hour day; (4) An allowance of one-fifth shift, to be The growth of the miners’ minority movement is full of encouragement. It would be swifter if only the mili- tant miners were in the position td finance organization campaigns. But the recent long period of unemploy- ment, and the extremely low wages they now receive, make it hard for them to pay the expenses of putting organizers into the field. Among the transport workers, al- so, there are signs of an awakening. The “International Seafarer,” organ of the seamen’s section of the Inter- national Propaganda Committee of Transport Workers, of the R. I. L. U. is being published in London, and is widely circulated among the workers ‘of ‘d ‘k. paid on all afternoon and night. work. fede cana Alder jmasses. |militants to use every effort to di+ |rect this discontent along the organi-+ |zational channels which will lead the in the ports During the recent dock- ers’ strike, the militants organized a National Transport Workers’ Soli. darity Committee, which is now to be come a permanent body, and is t&) ‘initiate the minority movement among the transport workers. Left-Wing Conferences. Left-Wing conferences have been called, also, for the metal trades, These conferences are not of the earlier type—mainly propagandist— but are definitely for the purpose of setting up machinery for the organi- zation of the minority movement. Thus, there appears to be a new and refreshing movement at work within the ranks of the British or- ganized workers. The building up of minority movements in the great unions of the key industries, the or- ganized attempt to bring Left-Wing influence to bear upon the Trades Councils—these are the tasks con- fronting the militants of Britain. Especially important is such work at the present juncture, when there rules, in Britain, a new kind of gov-, ernment—a government, not of labor,’ but of labor leaders, The immense political importance of a Left-Win; movement in the trade unions—which ere all affiliated to the Labor Party— will be obvious, After the organization of actually functioning minority organizations within the trade unions—really func- tioning organizations, I say, and not merely committees on paper—there will be the task of bringing the rep- resentatives of these various move- ments together in a national con- ference of the militant elements in the labor organizations. And, out of this conference, will probably be born the national organization which will co-ordinate and further the work jof establishing a solid, active and |growing Left-Wing movement. Team Work Necessary. But this means an immense amount It means efficient the militants, and an adoption of the best organizational technique. And, as I have said, the means at the disposal of the impov- erished British workers are but small. Nevertheless, the task must be ac- complished; and, eventually, it will be, A good beginning has been made. It must be actively followed up. There is a ferment of discontent among the Tt is now the task of the revolutionary British workers to con- trol over their mighty industrial or- ganizations, and thus to victory in be struggle against the capitalist class. of John Brown” . “To Kansas,” replied John Brown, “Where from?” asked the “From New York,” answered John Brown. ~ We Will Not Die Alone! “You won’t live to get there,” the old Missourian said, grimly. “We are prepared,” John Brown answered, “not to die alone.” Before that spirit and that eagle eye the old Missourian qualied; he turned and left. It was in October, after an ar- duous trip, that John Brown and his party reached the family settlement at Osawotamie. They arrived weary and all but desti- tute, with about sixty cents be- tween them. And they found the settlement in great distress; all of the Browns, except the wife of John, Jr., completely prostrated with fever and ague, gotten from the rough conditions. They were living in a tent exposed to the chill winds, and were shivering over little fires on the bare ground. All the food left was a small supply of milk from their cows, some corn and a few pota- toes. It was an unusually cold winter that year; on October 26 John Brown saw the hardest freezing he had ever witnessed south of his bleak farmhouse in the Adirondacks; and all the Kansas pioneers in it as did the Browns. Nobody in Kansas that first winter knew what comforts were. While the Browns paid the pen- alty for living on low ground in a ravine and in tents, their bitter experience with sickness and hunger was not as bad as that of many other Northern families. — Starvation and death looked in at many a door where parents. lay hel; while famished children crawled about the dirt floors ery- ing for food, and shrieking with fear if any footstep approached, lest the comer be a border ruffian (as the Southerners were called), rod a friend. pure whole of the West. Puts New Life Into Sons, But old John Brown was in- Seater We Pa. new we a energy sons; ‘o- vember two shanties were well- vanced and the food problem had lightened. They were get- big mh elles Tg the - , and preparing take up their share Z John Brown was roused by all | Kansas, when the hot breath of this; already he was war scorched all these 1, a8 from the patriarch to the | it did .many another Northern fearless warrior in the field. One | settler’s, ineident illustrates this. When the,| There would be little time for little party reached the corn for the Browns River at Brunswick, » or for the other set- they sat selves down to tlers slavery question de- for the ferry. There came an answer nrst. them an old man, frankly Mis- One dread that had worrled the " inquisitive after | Browns before leaving home prov- of the frontier, | ed It, was their fear “Where are you going?” he ask- ! of "The Browns were , ie, terrified when the first big band of Sacs and Foxes in war paint surrounded their tent, whooping and yelling, but they had the good sense to ground their arms, and the Indians did likewtse. There- after both sides were great friends, John, Jr., went often to visit their old chief; once, when in the following summer, the In- dians came to call again, they were “fought” with gifts of melons and green corn. “That,” said Jason Brown, “was the nicest party I ever saw.” John Brown, Jr, used to ask the old chief questions, as, “Why do you Sacs and Foxes not build houses and barns like the Ottawas and the Chippewas? Why do you not have schools and churches like the Delawares and Shawnees? Why do you have no preachers and teachers?” And the chief replied in a staccato which sum- med up wonderfully the bitter, century-long experience of his people: “We want no houses and barns. We want no schools and churches. We want no preachers and teacher. We bad enough now.” Indians Were Good Friends. No, the Indians were’ friends. The men really to be feared were not long in putting in their ap- pearance. One night six or seven heavily armed Missourians rode up to the door, and asked wh¢her any stray cattle had been seen. The Browns replied in the nega- tive; and then, as newcomers, they were asked, in the border slang, how they were “on the eri “We are Free State” was the answer, “and what is more, we are Abolitionists.” The men rode away, but from that moment the Browns were marked for destruction. They did not shrink from danger, however. They wailed their flag to the mast; armed themselves, and Pci to into the thick of all the political battles then raging. In a short time their settlement was Santeen vbe te, sherloens Caio, fearless, necessary, resistance to all who wished to see human slavery slavery intro- duced into the territory. John TO ‘Se Conte tennis many) ° (The Border Ruffians Hold An - Election), Don't be a “Yes, But,” supporter of in the settling of |gcrintion at once. NEW YORK READERS ATTENTION, CONCERT AND DANCE ’ _ Given by the WORKERS PARTY OF BORO PARK SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 29TH, 1924 at 1373 - 43rd Street, Brooklyn, N, Y. iy ‘Allee, Henry.’ Pabilohed “bo ly ice Henry. Geo. H. Doran. ‘ » Alice Henry in her book, “Woman and the Labor Movement,” traces the role of woman in industry from the early days of our ancestors to the present day. In the course of the development of this subject the author deals with such problems as industrial legis- lation, minimum ‘wage, extend of woman labor during the war and the Negro woman in industry. Legislation as the cure for all ills has been practiced to a greater or lesser degree thruout the United States in remedying unfavorable con- ditions of the workers. The dis- J heartening experience of the Amer- ican workers in this regard justi- fies the secondary importance of this phase of work as expressed in the following statement: “Altho men have in this country mostly depend- ed upon organization to win im- Proyement in their working stand- ards, they have not hesitated to make use of legislation when that seemed the better plan.” The author also considers, in her treatment of “Women and the Labor Movement,” the organizations that are working for the betterment of women in industry. Among these es i the National Wo- men’s le Union League which “stands for-placing industry upon such a basis that the long and ex. hausting strikes of which we have had so many, shall be made un- necessary thru such organizations of the workers that industry placed upon an equitable ba: the collective agreement ar not force or individual profit be the de- ciding sctoy in any industrial ar- rangem or re-arrangement.” The author might well have stressed the fact that it is impossible to attain = ried under a Shag which lives ives on profit exploiti: the labor of the Asi aia Thruout the book, the author brings out that the problems ck i et Ao in industry are only a of ie many problems facing the labor movement today. should therefore not be treated as separate problems in which women are intersted but one in which men and women must unite in Ta ne ‘ratt results, well writte; read and understand, a Prove of value to those who are working in the JULIA SCHULNER, OUT WITH DAUGHERTY! RTAIN K 25¢