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tuation and Our Immediate Tasks 8. It is not. a matter of indiffer- ence to the Communists as to who misleads and betrays the masses. The latter are already disil- lusioned about the old capitalist par- nih aun news- ties but. they still look with faith ind others, aré to the third party movement. The man sunk deep betrayal of their interests by the La- Follette group, because of the great- unpleasant, or er promises it makes and the high- : er hopes it inspires, will have the a Praca ho most profound effect on the masses Chief”, “Cheka and will’ eventually force them to Rusaie”, ete: turn to a class party of their own : , and toward the leadership of the gly. It me Communists, ome 4. This split will shatter the A, F. id rn gp ee of L, Bureaucracy which stands to- ava. Pasture 4 |8¥ a8 the most formidable obstacle a ie be seco to the revolutionary dévelopment of cr OF yee wer the trade unions, The A. F. of L. r: “TROTZKY Bureaucracy is tied to the capitalist use, and, all parties. The split from the old par- ondent dashes §|ties will tear loose great masses of unist disputes organized workers from their alle- uotation from giance to the capitalist parties and their own leaders who are agents of these parties. It will upset the bal- ance of power in the A. F. of L. and open the door for a general de- velopment of the trade unions in all directions. + o e - .,,| Phe Workers Party and the Farmer- C. P. P. A. will oe Labor Party | party movement iven to it by the sses, and they are y the whole move- one or the other t party presiden- the coming elec- Our chief task and aim in the pres- ent situation is the organization on a national scale of a class party of workers and poor farmers on as broad a basis as possible and the ad- vancement to the utmost in this par- ty of the ideology and leadership of the Communists, ca A ne orate The attitude of the Work@ts Par- ty towards a class farmer-labor pat- r party of works | 5 is determined by the united front e at ths debes Fe and tactics of the Commun- sLitieall ue a ist International. We participate in oe: it Ff Pes 7° the movement and fight for the form- xplor calli oa ante ation of a-mass party of workers and ee into exploited farmers because this is at of whi 3 hes, present the best means at our*dis- , ie or Be ahs q Posal by which we can mobilize’ and ; and the W 5a organize large — of — and : armers for a struggle inst cap- ational center of it stict exploitation and the capitalist the organization . state and beca it gives us the — broadest and t field for revolu- tionary agitation and propaganda, The success of this policy dépends, however, upon our ability to con- stantly agitate and organize the working masses for the final strug- gle for power and the establishment of a proletarian dictatorship. Our success in the fight for the farmer- labor party and the constant broad- ening of its scope and strengthening of its class character must carry with it the constant strengthening and development of the Workers |Party, to such an extent as to make it the real leader of the working it |the same time |class and the movement that will re- ization of the |sult from our activity for a farmer- farmers into labor party. f their own. We must, as of the campaign for the organization of the whoie trategy. left wing, assist in maintaining, or- s the split ganizing, and strengthening the Fed- The move-erated Farmer-Labor Party. This the working does not mean that we shall allow d the petty organizational fetishism to develop the Republi- | Which would interfere with any nec- arties, which ¢Ssary or advantageous regrouping of trolled by big the labor party forces. Our aim is fundamental the building of the Workers Party lities. It ean- into a mass Communist Party, and ‘oblems of the Our strategy in the Farmer-Labor farmers nor MOVement-must always be directed to ‘ Never- | this end. mn of forces mak- on of a mass far- ie Workers Par- ed Farmer-Labor conscious and de- A large section althg conscious- is still a e ideology »& It remains e most important s of strategy for orces to steer a ich, while retain- broad third par- x * 2° @ f Mee cee tthe Mesmudchds Pitie cnd Hu 20 by the Third Party. following rea-| While we carry on®our campaign for the organization of a class farm- volt of work-|er-labor party, we must at the same layers of the|time try to drive the third party the political |forces to split away from the old cap- capitalists. It}italist parties, And aks and weak-|takes place and a third party is or- and which nts who have|is not merely another capitalist par- . It makes alty, ree rare Sak make ick upon thejan election alliance with it the old capitalist parties an ers and poor|capitalist government. Such an al- M Ga postion \teret okt” ccgndiidenal eons te es. | form yom farmer-labor , but of common working | if this _ split | tional ent indications point to the forma- tion of a third party led by La Fol- lette or some other of the same group on a program of struggle ageirst the domination of the big capitalists, “With such a party the farmer-labor party should and must make an election alliance in the 1924 carapaign, This does not mean that the farm- er-labor party can support the candi- date of the third party under any and all circumstances. We must not be blind to the possibility that a sec- tion of the capitalists, seeing the tremendous movement of the masses away from the old parties, will also enter the third party movement and take command of it. With such a third party the farmer-labor party cannot make an election alliance no matter who may be the candidate, but must fight against it, : On the other hand, it is not out of the range of possibility that La Fol- lette or one of his group will secure the Republican nomination at the hands of the big capitalists who con- trol the Republican Party and at- tempt to lead the revolting back into its ranks. Under such ¢ircumstances, of course, the farmer-labor’ party must wage a relentless campaign against this reactionary maneuver, Insofar as the political develop- ments can be foreseen now we can specify the general conditions for an election alliance of the farmer-la- bor party with a party led by La Fol- lette or one of his group as well as the conditions for refusing such an alliance. The election alliance which would involve the support of the candidacy of La Follette or some similar lead- er of the third party movement for president in the 1924 elections can be made if: (a) he runs as an_ independent candidate; (b) he becomes the candidate of @ party formed at the Cleveland Conference of the C. P. P. A. (c) he becomes the candidate of a new party formed directly by the progressive group in Congress revolt- ing from the old parties and exclud- ing the political agents capital from the control of the Paty. The farmer-labor party must op- Pose the candidacy of La Follette or any other leader of the third par- ty movement in the election, if (a) he betrays the movement by accepting the Republican nomina- on, (b) he becomes:the candidate of a new party controlled by capitalists. In state and city elections the pol- be as follows, as stated in the Con- vention thesis: “(a) The farmer-labor party will nominate its candidates on its own party ticket ieee Pomible end earry on an independent campaign. “(b) Wherever the farmer-labor party candidates have a chance to win we will carry on the fight to of the old parties and the third par- ty. Wherever the Socialist Party or any other labor political group has ‘a chance to win we will support these candidates against all other parties including the third party. “(c) Whgrever neither the far- mer-labor party nor the third party candidates have a chance to win, we will vote for the farmer-labor party candidates in the election. “(d) Where the farmer-labor par- ty can have no chance to win and the third party can unquestion- ably win against the cap'talist par- ties with our support, we will vote for the third party. candidates.” If under the conditions set forth above an election alliance, either na- or local, is made the farmer- labor party must maintain a distinct sremocetes oo oes Se an inde- ndent cam} ‘or own pro- ys lize the situation to the the definite our own cam- on ged ar wet. we em vation no relief. = "Ht User that the whole Pres-! campaign is simply a starting point iey of the farmer-labor paxty should |? in the struggle for the establishment of a workers’ and farmers’ govern- ment, Which in turn is a step towards the Proletarian Dictatorship, the one and only instrument for their libera- tion. : s ¢ s The June 17th Convention All the elements of the classes which are participating in the revolt against and split from the old capi- talist parties will be represented in the St. Paul convention on June 17th, But the probability of the class farmer-labor party elements— the rank and file workers and poor farmers—predominating will be greatly increased by the aggressive role of the Workers Party in the | campaign for the convention and the | tendency of the third party elements (including the labor bureaucrats, who are ideologically a part of the petty bourgeoisie) to turn to the Cleveland Conference of the C. P. P. A. or to some other center which may be created by the La Follette group to serve as the nucleus of the third party. _ Our task at the June 17th Con- vention will be to strengthen and clarify its class character, fight for the adoption of a class program, or- |ganize it into a class party separate |and distinct from the Cleveland con- ‘ference or any other third party ,conference which may be held. The party formed there shall negotiate, ‘thru committees, with other confer- ences on the question of common campaign or common candidates only as an organized body. At the St. Paul Conference we shall nominate and fight for prole- tarian candidates as against any oth- er candidates at the conference. We shall utilize the conference to lay the basis for the organization of the farmer-labor party thruout the country and also advance there the Proposal and plans for an economic organization of farmers to serve as the foundation for their political organization. Preparations for June 17th. Tt is necessary to throw the last ounce of the Party’s energy into the campaign to make the June 17th conference a tremendous mass gath- ering of the rank and file workers and poor farmers. take to draw the whole genuine class farmer-labor movement to June 17th, and away from July 4th and all oth- er third party conferences on the ground that June 17th alone is the}* center around which the whole class Movement can and must be crystal- lized into a separate and independent An organization campaign must be started at once. Party units must be instructed immediately to initiate the work of forming local and state farmer-labor parties which shall be represented on June 17th. The ques- tion of their affiliation to the F. F.-L. P. must be determined in each case separately according to the policy laid down in the convention thesis which is as follows: “The F, F.-L. P. should sonsider each situation separately and thor- oly. It should organize the Fed- | erated Farmer-Labor Party only in such places in which the organiza- tion of the F F.-L. P. will not bring a split in the left-wing; that is, of the followers of the class labor party movement.” : Party members thruout the trade union and farmer movements must commence a systematic agitation_to send delegates to the June 17th eon- vention from their local trade unions, co-operatives, farmers’ organizations, and labor fraternal societies, We must develop an educational campaign in connection with the June 17th convention and the poli- tical situation of which it is a part. This campaign shall have two eb- jects and two sides: 1, To educate the Party member- ship as to the reasons for and nec- essity of the Party tactics laid down in this thesis and carried out in the campaign, so that all actions and maneuvers,of the Party will be un- derstood and ‘participated in by the largest possible number, and the C. E. C. kept in closest touch with the membership. 2. To educate the broad farmer- labor masses to the class point of view, to point out to them the hope- lessness of the program and leader- ship of the whole La Follette fy 4 party group and to prepare them for the inevitable break with this third group. Hungarian Hangman Greets Coolidge Tool As Country’s Savior (By The Federated Prees) . BUDAPEST, March 21.—Nicolas Horthy, the Hungarian regent whe personally conducted the torture and massacre of hundreds of socialists, liberals and Jews during the white terror, has been American correspondents here of his delight at W. P. G. Harding’s appointment to the commissioner generalship ‘ ef the league of nations in Hungary. We must under-; Harding is the former U 8. federal reserve board director, who reeently left for Europe, presumably to ect as receiver for the bankrupt Mag~ yar government. Horthy declares that Harding’s presence in Budapest will restore foreign confidence in Hungary. With Horthy still in power and with every liberal and labor movement fn that country checked with bayonets, een- fidence in Hungary requires a tall bit of restoring, labor men say, Every new DAILY WORKER reader means a new recruit inthe ranks of militant labor. JOIN THE WORKERS PARTY! elect these candidates against those, You Have Nothing to Lose But Your Chains! The old order changeth— © fellowman! of the world and its pain to you— What can you tell? Which of your dreams Out of its hell? Turn to your. artists, for tomorrow remain to you mere dabblers in form, Scientists, dumb to each sham-raking ‘storm, Bigots, professing the word of reform, .. . What! of such lies is the stuff of your mould? Look at your babbling drunkards and smile, ‘ Pity your cripples, your lepers revile, ; Poor men and slay all your “freedom” defile, . . . Why do your heroes lie silent and cold? Answer me, man! : Yielding place to new— Comrades awake!—of the strength in the best of us—~ Are you aware? not our taunts at the sloth in the rest of us led mere thousands of a tuutea oF te eoluen valleys of ~ *