The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 21, 1924, Page 6

THE DAILY WORKER : Friday, March 21, 1924 Pul ned by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO.,| 1640 N. Halsted St., Chicago, Lil. (Phone: Lincoln 7680.) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $6.00 per year $8.50..6 months $2.00..8 months By mail (in Chicago only): . $4.50..6 months $2.50. .8 months $8.00 per year Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1640 N. Halsted Street J. LOUIS ENGDAHL | WILLIAM F..DUNNE 5 * MORITZ J. LOEB y i he Post tered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1928 at t Sime ‘at Chicago, Il, under the act of March 8, 1879 Shed Je aad Ail tat ech Chicago, Ilinols seeeses- Editors Business Manager Advertising rates on application ‘‘Made in America”’ The injunction is a aisuunctly ; American pon used by the bosses in their struggle with the workers. The injunction enables the employer to rob the workingman of every advantage that the strike can net him as a means of self-defense. The injunction makes every possible effect ot every strike impossible. It is a declaration of martia) iaw by the government in behalf of the bosses against the workers. : The injunction begins with the assumption that the workingman has committed a crime. t assumes that the workingman is guilty until he can prove to a hostile judge, who is district attorney, judge and jury all in one, that he is innocent. In the meantime the worker is stopped from defending himself against the bosses’ attacks. The stnke is crippled. That is-just what the bosses want. : The - injunction denies workingmen and women the right to trial! by jury. Trial by jury is supposed to be an inalienable right guaran- teed the masses by the very Constitution which the bosses are so anxious to praise—when it pays them to. Worse still, the injunction de- nies the workers the right to trial by jury when they are charged with committing. an act against which there is no law on the statute books. In other. words, the injunction is used to railroad workers to jail for doing things which are not unlawful or against the law, even as it is framed and interpreted by the capitalists who control the courts and own the judges. Obviously the injunction is a made-to-order, “made-in-America” weapon used by the gov- ernment on behalf of the exploiters of labor to break lup the organizations of the working class and smash the strikes for better working conditions and the right to organize. It is for this reason that the working class of America has disregarded injunctions issued by the bosses’ judges and has gone ahead in violation and in defiance of injunctions. Even the most conservative labor leaders have defied injunctions and disregarded this form of law written in the blood of the striking working- men by the agents of the employers, wearing the togas of hypocritical exploiting class justice. During the shopmen’s strike, when the workers went out on strike to defend their right to organize and against starvation wages, the railroad capitalists secured the infamous Daugherty injunction to smash the strike. The railway workers did not pay any atten- tion to this attempt of the employing class gov- ernment to break their strike? Thousands of workers went right ahead and violated the in- junction. No less than 2,000 cases were investigated by the Department of Justice and William J. Burns for violation of the Daugherty strike- breaking injunction. At least 1,200 working- men were charged by the Department of Justice with violating the injunction. Within two months after the ukase was is- sued by “Czar” Daugherty against the railway workers, 107 were arrested for disregarding the. injunction in the Chicago district alone. Forty workers were taken in Wisconsin and an equal number in Nebraska. This did not frighten the workingen who were bent on beating back the attacks of their bosses on their homes and lives. The terrorism of the employers failed to break the spirit of the workers who went on with the fight. Injunction or no injunction— the railway -workers went ahead to strike as best they could, and held out in the face of starvation and the united front of the Wall Street government, the rail kings and bankers. This heroic conduct is typical of the attitude of the American working class towards in- junctions. This is the only treatment that injunctions deserve to get at the hands of the striking workers in every industry, if the working class of this country is to save itself from abject capitalist slavery. Ogden Reid, owner of the notoriously reac- tionary New York Tribune, has purchased the New York Herald from Frank Munsey. A well matched pair. More groans and new lectures from Oswald Garrison Villard. Hindoo Socialists advise the British Labor Party that unless their Indian Viceroy, Lord Olivier, ceases lying about India, the Hindoo workers will lose confidence in British Royal Socialism. It’s about time they should. While striking cooks picketed the Hotel Adlon, in Berlin, against which they were on strike, social’st president Ebert calmly ate a dinner cooked and served by scabs, on the in- side. It is not surprising that a member of a party that has betrayed the entire working- je oe ot Germany should patronize a scab 2 DAILY WORKER. Give Us a Mussolini | Among the powerful financial agencies and | in the spheres of influence dominated by the manutacturing interests of the country, there is developing a strong feeling of revulsion to the manner in which their government agents and defenders have been handled in recent months. The upper crust of the capitalist class is getting tired of being on the defensive. There is taik in the air of a counter-offensive to line up all shades of employing class opinion in defense of the common capitalist interests. The way in which congress has manhandled the president of late is particularly irritating to the big business grotps. The-centralization of executive power in the hands of the presi- dent is one of the most favorable features of che present government to the employing class. , this position of the capitalist stronghold has: of late been challenged a bit. | Tt has been a mighty long time in American | history when congress dared give so little con-| s.deration to the recommendations and ae | mands of the president. The more Coolidge | nas tried to appease congress, the less concern che House displayed for him. The way the Coolidge tax ukase was kicked into oblivion affords a case in illustration of this attitude. | Naturally, this state of affairs rises out of -he conditions at hand, out of the balance of class powers and inter and intra economic and political class relationships. Is is precisely for this reason that the leaders of the big capital- .sts are showing signs of alarm and are calling upon their class watchdogs to get on their hind | .egs and fight back. Thus the Wall Street Journal, in an article by Guy M. Walker, one of its reputed writers, throws out the slogan for battle. Discussing the tax bills before Congress, Mr. Walker talked in this plain language: “If they do not give us economic tax reduction at once, it is time for the Vig- ilantes to start for Washington. Surely there is somewhere in America a Mussolini to lead the American Blackshirts to Wash- ington.” We wonder whether the New York State Criminal Anarchy Law will be applied to Mr. Waiker and the Wall Street Journal for calling! upon their followers to overthrow the govern-| ment by force and violence. If an organiza- tion of the working class were to make a far less bold appeal to‘the workers to onganize a! military march on Washington, the accused would surely be sent to the darkest state dungeons. We recall the conviction of several Communist leaders in New York for merely propagating the need of working class political and economic organization. This appeal of the Wall Street Journal must! be taken heed of by the workers and farmers. It gives the lie to all the hypocritical cant of the employing class about the sacredness of their democratic government. This Walker outburst is a challenge and a warning to the’ dispossessed farmers and workingmen of what they will, sooner rather than later, have to face from their capitalist enemy. Bonus Buncombe The House of Representatives has adopted a so-called soldier bonus measure by the tre- mendous vote ef 355 to 54. This is enough to over-ride a Coblidge veto. The bonus measure is a miserable com- promise with the demands of the ex-soldiers. it is a fraud in the light of what those who! have bled for the preservation of capitalist | democracy have been asking for. It is a drop! of at least 50 per cent from what even the; American Legion has been asking. | “Most of the little that will be paid will be! in the form of insurance policies. No less than 3,038,283 ex-soldiers will be given insurance policies instead of a real bonus. Two years from the date of the enactment of the bill, if it ever will become law, the soldiers will be able to exercise the great privilege of borrow- ing money on these policies and paying, of course, handsome interest fees on the money thus borrowed. Only 389,853 ex-soldiers will receive cash payments of $50 or less. This is the best that the capitalist legislators can do for the men who have.risked their lives to defend the pres- ent system of exploitation. And 865,741 workers and farmers, whom the government drove off the farms and out of the mills, mines and factories to the army camps will not receive a single cent of bonus. But even this fraudulent bonus has a long road to travel before it can become law. The Senate fire must still be faced. Most likely | the bill will fall into the hands of a senate committee to arrange for an agreement with the House. Then it will be sent back to the House for approval. The mighty pen’ of the capitalist agent Coolidge will then be wielded mercilessly unless a sufficient majority is se-| cured to override the presidential veto. How different this lengthy painful process of legislation is from the speedy manner in which the Esh-Cummins Law, granting a bonus of hundreds of millions of dollars to the rail- road capitalists, was enacted! It is only because the government we have today is a capitalist government owned out- right by the employing class that a bonus of even the mildest brand has so many obstacles to hurdle, while fabulous bonuses totalling billions of dollars are granted to the exploiters with such ease, Victor Berger, is satisfied that Senator R. LaFollette is now a radical. He has adopted a plank for the public ownership of railways. After we get that, says Berger, socialism will have easy sledding. That is Berger socialism. @e JOIN THE WORKERS PARTY -oe An Inspiration to Heroism Beginning “The Story of John Brown,” by Michael Gold. _ Pub- lished by the DAILY WORKER thru arrangement with Haldeman- Julius Company, of. Girard, Kans. Copyrighted, 1924, by Haldeman- Julius Company. By MICHAEL GOLD. FOREWORD. JOHN BROWN’S life is a grand, simple epic that should inspire one to heroism. No one asks for dates and minute details on hear- ing of the life of Jesus: or So- crates. There are men who have proved their superiority. to the pettiness of life, and who seem almost divine. John Brown {s one of them. ,I think he was a‘most our greatest American. I know he was the greatest man the com- mon people of America have yet produced, He did not become a President, a financier, a great scientist or artist; he was a plain and rather obscure farmer until his death. That is his greatness. He had no great offices, no recognition or ap-* plause of multitudes to spur him on, to feed his vanity and self- righteousness. He did his duty in silence; he was an outlaw. Only after he had been hung like a common murderer, and only after the Civil War had come to fulfill his provhecies, was he recognized as a great figure, But in his life he was a com- mon man tc the end, a hard-work- ing, honest, Puritan farmer with a large family, a man worried with the details of poverty, and obscure as ourselves. Now we are taught as school. children that only those who become Presidents and captains of finance are the successful ones in our democracy. John Brown proved that there is another form of success, within the reach of everyone, and th® is to devote one’s life to a great and pure cause. John Brown was hung as an outlaw; but he was a success, as Jesus’ and Socrates were suc- cesses. Some day school chil- dren will be taught that this had been the only sort ‘of success worth striving for in his time. The rest was dross: the personal success of the beetle that ro'ls itsel? a huger ball of dung than its fellow beetles, and exults over it. John Brown is a legend: but [ still see him in the simple, ob- scure heroes who fight for free- dom today in America. That is why I am telling his story| It is the story of thousands of. men living in America now, did we but know it. John Brown is still in prison in America; yes, and he has been hung and shot down ao hundred times since his first death. For his soul is marching on; it is the soul of liberty and justice, which cannot die, or be suppressed. A When Slavery Was Respectable. ' | (S understand any or the out- standing mer of ‘history one must also understond something of their background. The Roman Emreror Marcus Aurelius perse- cuted and burned the primitive Christians; yet he is ‘accounted one of the most religious and hu- mane of historical figures, afid his Meditations are commonly con- sidered a book of the gentlest and ee counsel toward the good life. You cannot understand this paradox unless you know the his- THE DANCE OF LIFE tory of the Roman state. And you cannot understand John Brown unless you understand the history of his times. John Brown, until the age of fifty, had lived the peaceful, la- borious life of a Yankee farmer with a large family. He hated war, and was almost a Quaker; had never handled fire arms, and ‘was a man of deep and silent af- rections. He was deeply religious, read the Pible daily; Christianity imbued all the acts of his daily existence, This man, nearing his sixtieth year, assembled a groun of young men_with rifles and took the, field to wage guerrilla war on slavery. He became a warrior, an outlaw. What drove him to this desperate stand? I think the answer is: Respect- ability. There is nothing more maddening “to a man of deep moral feeling than to find that slavery has become xesvectable, while freedom is considered the mad dream of a fanatic. The slavery of black men had become the most respectable 1n- stitution in America in. John Brown’s time, It had had a dark and bloody history of a hundred years in which to become firmly rooted into American life. There had been slavery in Eu- rope for centuries before the dis- covery of America—but. it was white slavery, Each feudal baron owned hordes of serfs—white farmers—who were as much a part of his land héldings as his castles, horses and ploughs. With the invention of printing, gunpowder and machine produc- tion the svstem of feudalism de- clined. The French Revolution helped deal it a death blow. The last country where this ancient slavery of white men was not dead was in Russia; but African slavery, the slavery of Negroes, who were heathens, and therefore could morally be bought and sold by Christians, had been reintro- duced on the northern foast of the Mediterranean by Moorish traders. In the year 990 these Moors from the Barbary Coast first reached the cities of Nigeria, and established an uninterrupted exchange of Saracen and Turo- pean luxuries for black slaves, Columbis tried to introduce Indian slavery into Eurone but the church forbade it, for Indians were accounted Christians when converted. The unhanpy Negroes were not considered convertible; their slavery was sanctified by the church. And for the next few centuries the African slave trade was the most lucrative traf- fic pursued by mankind. Black slaves were to be fcund in the whole vast areq of Spanish and Portueuese America, also in Dutch and French Guinea and the West Indies. It was black men who cleared the jungles, tilled the fields, built the cities and roads and laid down, in their sweat and blood, the foundations of civiliza- tion in the New World. Great jealous and prosperous monopolies were formed in this traffic of slaves; and its profits were greed- ily shared hy philosophers, states- men and kings. In 1776, the American colonies were inhabited by two and a half million white persons, who owned half a million slaves. Many ‘of the most rational and humane leaders of the Revolution saw the inconsistency of slave holders making a revolution in the name of freedom. There was some early By HAVELOCK ELLIS Houghton, Mifflin Company, Boston. AVELOCK ELLIS, in the Dance of Life, has written a sort of esthete’s Bible. This. is the testament of a priest Who has spent his long life in chant- ing great, solemn hymns to intellec- tual beauty. The Saviour in his testament is Leonardo de Vinci; and the God in it is that mystic rythym that binds music, philosophy, science, thinking, all the life of rocks and trees, bit and flowers and stars, the body and soul of men, the body and soul of the universe, into a cosmie harmony for which the symbol is the dance. Life is a dance, and Havelock Ellis stands before it in rapture, an esthete ravished by the spectacle of the world. Havelock Ellis is one of the most learned men alive, and one of the D Aen And he ban 2 i pnrd g @ young poet, ai lar reaching lence of a mellow scientist, But I miss something in his tes- cathedral; I might prop. bete, bat f cat ; I might pray could not live here, This not Life, but a concept built by man. It is a beauty felt the 3. but it is not the earth, and the cities, and the problems of bieud, love, birth and death, These things can- not be arranged into n dance pat- tern; they are iter than concepts of iBone hind steel as Havelock Ellis’ dance bol, L cannot state his thesis here; one pencil enige ce «si Aba poem. in only pee net's philosophy of fe, “Ande must say about Havelock Ellis’ book, tho I reverently add But T an bewildered pi ge of tries to a Hife arn oT T read part of this book at » mur- der trial I was reporting for a newspaper. I read another chapter of it while sitting in the front room of a tenement flat, where my paver had sent me to get the story of a starving widow and her five chil- dren. They had been living on toast and tea for two months. I read another part of the vook th the ante room of the president of the Chamber of Commerce. I felt as if T were dwelling in two worlds, Ellis’, and the places where I read his book, And it seem- ed to me that no bonk of !ife could be complete that shirked starvation, murder, Chambers of, Commerce. the problems. of men’s purposes and injustice, Havelock Ellis wants an arlstoc- racy of intellect. He is a eugenist, and his social theories are all based on the breeding of a finer face. His philosophy is intended for the joy of that suner-race he visions. of some kind, in man, sito ‘ad mysteries and cata- nature. What has the life to do with a world ' agitation against slavery, but the humanitarians: were in a minority Even then slavery had become re- spectable and profitabie. It wou'd have been easy and-cheap to have freed the slaves then. It would have been the most practicable thing the young nation could have done. Not a life would have been lost; and the development of the country might have been even more rapid, But it was not done; such acts need more far-sight- edness than the average man porsesses, Slavery grew by leaps and bounds, as the country was grow- ing. ie slave trader, shrewd, in- telligent and rich, kidnapped young men and women in Africa and did a huge business. His markets became the feature of every Southern town. The plant- ers lolled at their ease, and de- vised ways and means of forcing their slaves to breed more rapid- ly, The slaves were treated as impersonglly as animals. Mothers were sold away from their chil- dren, and husbands from their wives. Generations of black men “died in bondage, and left their children only the sad inheritance of slavery. “ The South developed an aristo- erat class of indoient white men and women who looked down on ail work as ignominious, and who used their minds, not in fhe arts and sciences, but to find ntw moral justifications for slavery. Slavery was respectable. “It is an act of philanthropy to keep the Negro here, as we keep our children in subjection for their good,” said a Southern statesman. Slavery was moral.. Even most of the respectability of the North enlisted in its defense. In 1826, Edward Everett, the great Massa- chusetts statesman, said in Con- gress that slavery was sanctioned by religion and by the United States Constitution. The churches of almost every denomination were solidly behind slavery. The Supreme Court ruled that it was constitutional. A pro-Slavery President occupied the White House, and Senator Sumner, a lonely abolitionist, was beaten down with a loaded cane on the senate floor because he dared say a brave word against the nation’s crime. Tm 1838 William Lloyd Garrison, founded the Liberator, nrst of the abolitionist journals. He said that “the constitution is a covenant with death, and an agreement with hell,” and he fought slavery with all his power. “Our coun- try is the world, our countrymen a'l mankind,” was the slogan of his journal, Garrison was beaten by a mob in a northern city for his courage; and other abolition- ists were tarred and feathered, lynched, and attacked by mobs of respectable northern merchants and churchgoers, much as_paci- fists were beaten by mobs during the late war. Slavery was respectable. Negro field hands sold for $1,000 each, and innocent black babies were worth $100 each to the white master as they suckied at a Negro mother’s breast. To attack slavery was to attack the constitution, the church, the government, and the institution of private property. To attack re- spectability has always been the crime of the saviours, and re- spectability is the cross on which they are forever hung. (To Be Continyed Saturday.) Ss sotig to criticize this hock. It is ‘ike criticizing Jesus. Yet I want new philosophers to write, who will see what I and millions of other men have seen and who will not leave the world of living men out of their books. Too long have the wise men lived with their dreams, leaving the ignorant to wrestle, with reality. Too long have _phil- osophers and esthetes adored the mystic dance of life, while other men have suffered in its brutal drama, What Good Are Kings? Jackie in too is now making Pipecunda ‘or the Workers Party. isten to this from a letter by Com- rade George Kraska of Boston: AS WE SEE IT * By T, J. O'FLAHERTY, Dr. Charles Eliot, formerly presi- dent of Harvard University has cele- brated his 90th birthday. He did not celebrate it alone. Congratulations poured in on him from the heads of the biggest capitalist institutions in the United States, from the White House 'to capitalist newspaper offices, No workingclass organization sent him a greeting. Calvin Coolidge, J. P. Morgan—from ‘his, pleasure ‘yacht in the Mediterranean Sea—, Nicholas Murray Butler, the entire Coolidge cabinet,—with the exception of Daugherty who was kept out of the picture for obvious reasons—all joined in honoring the man who once said that “A scab was the highest type of American citizen”. Is it sur- prising that the capitalist class should appreciate such a- valuable servant? se ee Mr. Ramsay MacDonald is awfully worried over the mishaps of the handsome Prince of Wales. He has the falling sickness, which proves that Falls are not indigenous to the United States. The moment the prince sees a horse he is tempted and he usually falls. Now, Ramsay MacDonald has a heavy responsibility on his shoul- ders. He is saddled with the job of trying to reconcile the contradictions in capitalist society—a tdsk that Karl Marx would throw up his hands in despair at—and also to save the neck of the prince of Wales for the collar of kingship. The Prince insists on breaking it. Ramsay being a socialist and not a communist does not feel the least bit of hostility toward the good looking lad whose misfortune it was to have King George as a father, even tho the class that Mr. Mac- Donald, the Hillquitian socialist, pro- fessed once to serve, pays his booze and doctor’s bills, ‘2 o 8 It has come to pass—as the gentle- man who wrote the bible would say —that the Prince of Wales has fallen from a horse oftener than is good for him, and the last time the accident happened, Wales had his handsome face somewhat altered by the indeli- cate application of the animal’s hoofs to his countenance. It seems the steed attempted to give him a massage without having any experi- ence in the art. The result was not flattering to the vrince. Mr. Mac- Donald, the King’s socialist min- ister and master of his flunkeys, will ask the Prince of Wales to desist from riding horses, The British work- ers might lose a darned good king. The writer suggests to the Prince that if he cannot resist the tempta- tion to ride animals, that there are two quadrupeds in the United States looking for jockeys and if he applies to the Republican and Democratic parties for the job he may lead either the elephant or the jackass to victory in the next election, Should the prince choose the jackass William G. McAdoo wili lose ninety-nine per cent of his following. * 6 #\e Kemal Pasha is intent on making a clean sweep of religious monopolies in the Turkish Repubite. He sent the Caliph scurrying for safety, throwing hundreds of happy wives and scores of contented eunuchs out of wae ment. While this added to the intel- lectual equanimity of the fastidious Kemal, it created a severe unemploy- ment problem for him. Now Kemal is about td abolish the Grand Rabbi of Constantinople. Arthur Brisbane thinks this would be ad business and ungrateful, Has Arthur any money invested in Constantinop! real estate? 2-3 eo sS ’ Speaker Frederick H. Gillet, of the National House of Representatives, speaking in Boston at the annual ban- quet of the Amherst Alumni Associa- tion, declared that the United States government was sound even tho cor- ruption reached into the president's cabinet. Of course Calvin Coolidge is untouched by the rotteness! He said the retention of one crooked man in the government has done more to des- troy public confidence in the capitalist government than hordes of honest men con restore in a generation, The capitalist politicians see the great destructive power—destructive to capitalist fovernment—of the T. Dome scandal. Yet some think it is none of our business! “Why should we worry about the troubles of the capitalists?” th say. Calvin has escaped the says Gillett, but ts it not strange that such a strikebreaker can be so blind to the corruption of his associ- ates? eee Strange things are supposed to happen in Ireland, A few da; ae eoeeal of the Free § te i ob. d to the policy of dis- banding a large section of the army and forwarded an ultimatum to government demanding a cessation of this policy within a very limited time, The government did nothing. A cab- Spe a a to Ww bene Iateter f def sgl oy minister 0! ense was a Geile aerate y, Ric! n+ ister raided a houso in street, Dublin and arrested Hsing gad “4 officers who irl holding a : 5 Hi ] } |