The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 8, 1924, Page 7

f ie): . the American Labor Monthly. Me rx! Gaelatisice of the matter is that Victor Berger N° better illustration of the wide | was bitterly opposed to the St. Louis gulf between the formal, sterile Manifesto, threatened to write his acceptance of Marxian principles ;own manifesto and fell in line only in words, and the use of those princi- | when he found that his position had ples as a guide in formulating policies no support in the St. Louis Conven- for a party engaged in leading the/|tion. It may be worth while recalling, workers in the class struggle against too, that Boudin’s resolution intro- capitalism, can be found than that: duced in the same convention, was re- Wordsand Action which appears in an article by Louis’ garded by the Left Wing delegates! B. Boudin in the February issue of who dominated that convention, | whether he intended it to be so or not, Boudin has acquired a reputation #5, Pro-ally statement, which they as a Marxist. He has written a book . rejected for a clear-cut declaration in on “The Theoretical System of Karl OPPosition to the war, which no one Marx,” which the writer confesses to , Cold misunderstand. have studied-as part of his Marxian education something over a decade, ago. Like Kautsky, Boudin knows. the principles which Marx developed from his study of history and analy- | sis of capitalist sociéty. Undoubtedly : he could make brilliant theoretical presentation of these principles. But when Kautsky and Boudin stand be-. side the seething ocean of our present day social order, in which the waves of conflicting class interests dash hither and thither and break in great torrents as they meet, their Marxian theories remain sterile intellectual formulas which they are‘ unable to apply to this seething ocean of social forces and thus formulate the guid- class movement to its goal thru these stormy waters. Because of this in- tellectual twist the Russian Revolu- tion was for Boudin “the tragedy” and for Kaitsky something much worse. Boudin’s ability to carry Marxian principles into the field of actual class struggle is expressed in comment on the policy in relation to the develop- ment of a “Third Party” in the Unit- ed States, presented by the Central Executive Committee of the Workers Party to the convention of the party in December. pears as “The United Front—Berger and Ruthenberg.” For him there is no difference between the reformism of Victor Berger and the Socialist Party and the Revolutionary Marxism of the Workers Party, because for the moment there is agreement between the two policies in striving for, what is in appearance, the same end. In passing it is worth while cor- recting Boudin’s historical recollec- tions. He states that Ruthenberg and Berger have formed a United Front before—at the St. Louis Convention of the Socialist Party in favor of the manifesto against the war. The fact Capitalism Offers No Choice) TENIN © By SCOTT NEARING ing policies which carry the “ ‘eietinaienetetal cai eaten Dtinsiiaiennttniantlaaperan Let us return to the main question, however. Boudin sees it thus: Victor Berger is for LaFollette; C. E. Ruth- enberg is for LaFollette; thus there | Mellon tax plan represent but a strug- is a united front of the “right” and ' gle whether the petty bourgeoisie or By the method of throwing the big capitalists shall bear the bur- the question into the terms of indi-/den of taxation resulting from the} viduals Boudin may give the uncriti- | huge expenditures during the war and “left.” eal reader the impression of the cor- 'rectness of his statements, but that ‘is hardly a Marxian method of mak- ing a point. We shall try to make clear the fundamental differences which Boudin obscures thru this method. Victor Berger is unquestionably for LaFollette. Victor Berger is for the individual LaFollette because LaFol- lettee favors certain measures of re- form also favored by Victor Berger. Victor Berger, and probably also the Socialist Party, are for a “Third Party” which LaFollette will lead be- eause the policies pf such a would undoubtedly be the petty bour- geoisie reform measures which are the policies of the Socialist Party. Victor Berger and the Socialist Party ean identify themselves with LaFol- lette because fundamentally there is no. difference between them. LaFol- lette and the “Third Party” represent the realization of the Socialist hopes. To Boudin this ap-|He is their Ramsay MacDonald. ° This is not the road to the prole- tarian revolution, Boudin would say —if he is still a Marxist, which one may doubt from his comment “His- tory A La Mode” in the same article in which he criticizes the Workers Party. The working class can only win its emancipation thru a revolu- tionary political struggle thru which it becomes the ruling class, he would argue. Since the Workers Party is in a United Front with Berger and the Socialists on the question of La- Follette and the “Third Party,” it is guilty.of the same opportunism which characterized the Socialist Party. German capitalism had developed more completely however, and the in the ways of making a| war-crisis merely hastened its matur- living cause misery and ve The time must come when such al- terations in the economic structure can be ¢ ffected without the terrible | when ation. The events of the last few years in eninge Begs ge probably point the way that will be followed tured capitalist countries a upsets that now accompany them, but | race a life and death crisis. @ one class holds special privi- leges, it will almost inevitably resent which threaten to destroy its vested interests. Under present cir- cumstances, important changes in economic life invariably involve very heavy losses. ‘ During the past few years Russia has been held up as a horrible exam- ple of the Soviet idea. ‘See how the have suffered,” cry -the critics. “Do you want to try com- munism and pay the same price? Can’t you be content to let well enough alone?” No Freedom of Choice. Such remarks up: that the ‘seta ta teak We Goosen bebnete Anr - | talist prosperity and Soviet har . Consequently, the argument fin oo favor at this present moment is true for the United States. Ten it would have also been years true Daf Germany, but meanwhile | built German capitalism has ripened and rotted. As between Russia and Ger- many the choice is Soviet hardshi with hope, or capitalist hardship with d ‘ g the half century Karl Marx and his followers have insisted that the capitalist system would ripen and sc a that from it would drop the seeds of a new social order. Germany and Russia. The Russian revolution came be- fore Russian capitalism had ripened fara eage | on er egy by the failure of the ssian bureaucracy during the war. This made the task of the revolutionists doubly difficult, since were compelled to trans- form and to build at the same time. What is that way? Here are two answers written by men supposed to be upholders of the present order. “The ny of today Br ge is not functioning,” E. M. Patterson, Professor of Eco- nomics in the University of Penn- sylvania. “The m is not one of shortage of labor or of fixed capital and a of raw mate- rials, while all production is car- ried on at such costs that competi- tion with other countries in the world market is in many lines en- tirely impossible at present. The result is unemployment and suffering.”—(New York Eve- ning Post, Jan. 10, 1924.) Professor Patterson sees an eco- acrid omg nny that will not work —a e that has failed to live up to the anticipations of those who it. Far more emphatic is the summary of Dr. Frederick L. Hoff- man, Consulting Statistician of the Prudential Life Insurance Co. and Dean of the Advanced Department of the Babson Institute. fessor Patterson is disturbed. Dr. Hoffman is appalled. “The situation in Germany to- day is as tragic as it is incompre- hensible. It goes without saying that the rich are growing richer while the poor are res ed ae er. There is a frightful and dis- gusting contrast of extra- wagance sordid poverty. Pro- portionately, the rich and parasitic element is probably more numerous today than us to the war, The once wealthy and highly educated | ——— Thus, for the Marxist for whom Marxism is a mere formula, the case would be complete against the Workers Party. But is that all that there is to the present situation States? Let us see whether Marxism does not offer us something more than what is contained in this sterile formula. It was Marx who wrote that the! bourgeoisie was not “one reactionary mass,” There are divisions and con- flict of interests within the bour- geoisie. Particularly there is a deep- going conflict of interest between the in the United} By C. E. RUTHENBERG , ‘Third Party” movement there is the tendency for the creation of a mass working class party? For the Marxist for whom Marxism is more than an interesting theoretical formula these movements are of the |most vital significance, for it is the very essence of Marxism that it is thru this crystallization of the class struggle in political struggles, thru the weakening of the ruling capitalist power in this procéss, that the way is opened for the victory of the work- ing class. Shall we stand aside while this process goes on and in splendid isola- petty bourgeoisie and the capitalist |tion protect our revolutionary virgin- class. What, for instance, does the ity? Is that our role as a revolution- present struggle in Congress over the ond Marxian party—a Communist ‘arty? We answer a thousand time no. To do so is to hold ourselves aloof from the development of the revolution it- self. -We must enter into this move- ment. We must play our part in it. We must throw all our strength into hastening the crystallization of the its aftermath? The conflicts within the capitalist class, between the big capitalists and the petty bourgeoisie, and between | petty bourgeoisie “Third Party” and the capitalist class and the working /| at the same time of the mass Farmer- class have all been intensified in this | Labor Party. country since the end of the war. This | We will not be deterred from car- intensification of the economic con- rying out these tactics by the fact that flict has its expression politically. | seemingly we are working in a united The two old parties have both been | front with Victor Berger and the So- dominated by the capitalist class, yet | cialists. We know that while the So- they have had as their supporters |cialist support of a “Third Party” is capitalists, petty bourgeoisie, work-|an expression of opportunism, that ers and farmers. What we are wit-|our tactics are revolutionary Marxism nessing at the present time in the | because we are aiming at a different “Third Party” movement and the/| goal. Farmer-Labor Party movement is The Workers Party is not for La- erystallization of political parties rep- | Follette as an individual. The Work- resenting the petty bourgeoisie andjers Party is not. for the measures the workers and exploited farmers re-| which LaFollette the individual fa- spectively—the birth of the political |vors, not for the measures which a consciousness of these classes. At the | LaFollette “Third Party” may favor. present time the petty bourgeoisie |The Workers Party tells the workers “Third Party” and the working class|and farmers frankly that neither the Farmer-Labor Party movements are |measures which LaFollette favors nor inextricably intermixed; LaFollette|the measures which a LaFollette and the “Third Party” has the sup-| Party will advocate, will open the port of both movements. road for their escape from the ex- Is there nothing of interest to ajploitation and oppression of capi- revolutionary Marxian party in these | talism. developments? Is it of no importance] But the birth of a “Third Party” from the standpoint of the proletar-| will weaken the centralized capitalist jan revolution that the centralizedjpower. It will place the petty, bour- power which had the support of capi-| geoisie definitely in opposition to that talists, petty bourgeoisie and workers | centralized power. That is an event alike is breaking up? Is it of no im-|of great revolutionary importance. portance to the proletarian revolution | The Workers Party is ready to throw that a petty bourgeoisie “Third Party” | all its strength into the balance to is being created, which will array it-|bring about this situation. self in opposition to the ruling ecapi-} Boudin may know Marxism in talist power? Is it of no importance|words. But the Workers Party is ap- that within and alongside of this! pjying Marxism in action. middle class has been forced to the wall. All the old time investments and savings have gone for nothing. All of the life insurance in force previous to 1921 has lapsed. All pension funds, including those of the Government, are bankrupt, and the pensions are of no intrinsic value. Paper money of enormous denominations has become ridicu- “lous. Incredible confusion reigns everywhere, and prices for articles or services of real value are pre- posterous, and often higher than in the United States and Europe.” —(“The Economic World,” Jan. 12, 1924, page 41.) Complete Descriptions. These two descriptions are almost complete——idle men, idle land, idle machinery, mounting wealth, deep- ening poverty, the destruction of the middle class, the degradation of the worker, misery and chaos. This is exactly what Marx and his follow- pee: said bite be = 5 oo talist society ripened, and in almost ‘ their words, Neither Professor Pat- | But a_i within the depths of terson nor Dr. Hoffman are Marxists, The mighty ‘pill tai vadiia Both would repudiate the s tion. 7 But beth of them, surveying the con- brea pew neti ee ditions of economic life in a dying Which is marching on triumphantly; Sm tt" | We a hw, ° n. No Hope in Capitalism. t ic eetenae re coenee Shak All hail! To the Workers’ Republic, The work he loved so well. treads the path of capitalism? Class war, international war, disaster, deso- lation. The inhabitants of the capi-|Lenin is not dead, His monument ives, forever. EARL ALTVATER. talist world cannot choose between geo prosperity and soviet hard- Any Book Mailed Free Anywhere on Receipt of Price. He burned himself out Te feed a larger flame; And now his ashen body Lies within the Kremlin walls— Soon to pass to naught. We bow our heads in sorrow That our leader’s gone. But Lenin is not dead. He lives in the heart of great Russia; In the heart of the lowly Hindu; In the workers of France and Ger- many; In all the workers and peasants And all the exploited of the earth, He lives. He carried the wounds of a martyr, And suffered the shame of an out- cast. He was hated like a hound of hell By all the Plutes thruout the world. p. Capitalism will bring elsewhere, what it has brought to Germany— terror and want. The people of the capitalist coun- tries face a sie, aaies! pene Ask Us—We Know Books. P, @ despair of a 14 Stati order; soviet hardship with the hope 9 aed a of a new world, RADY’S P Phone OOK SHO4. Well. 1281 IMPEACH COOLIDGE! 3145 Broadway, Chicago, Il,