The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 6, 1924, Page 6

7 pany. Page 41 Page Six | ‘THE DAILY WORKER.| Where Is LaFollette? Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO., 1640 N. Halsted St., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Lincoln 7680.) SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail: $6.00 per year $3.50..6 months $2.00..8 months By mail (in Chicago only): $8.00 per year $4.50..6 months $2.50. .3 months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1640 N. Halsted Street J, LOUIS ENGDAHL. WILLIAM F. DUNNE MORITZ J. LOEB... Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill, under the act of March 3, 1879. ae **Sane’’ Lewis Policies “The American Coal Miner” is an Indian- polis monthly magazine, published-by one K. C. Adams, whose columns, as well as a care- ful survey can establish, are devoted to pro- moting the personal fortunes of John L. Lewis. The January number carries a full page picture of Brother Lewis on the front cover and several articles fulsomely praising Brother Lewis and his policies. Printed on an excellent grade of calendered paper, the magazine is attractive typographi- cally and evidently is an expensive undertak- ing. The most interesting part of the maga- zine, however, is the large number of large advertisements of coal companies—companies who employ the miners Brother Lewis is sup- posed to represent. The Pittsburgh Coal Company, one of the largest in America, has a full page advertise- ment on the reverse of the cover that carries the picture of Brother Lewis. {The Valley Camp Coal Company, Cleve- land, Ohio, has all of Page 4. Foundry and furnace coke companies are represented by W. H. Warner and Company who have all of Page 6. Peale, Peacock and Keer, who advertise “Thirty-one Miles,” have all of Page 48, the outside cover-page. M. A. Hanna and Company have Page 47, the inside cover page, all to themselves. The United States Coal Company and the Crowe Coal Company divide Page 45. {Walter Bledsoe and Company have half of Page 44. The Youghiogheny and Ohio Coal Company, the Maynard Coal Company, the J. H. Weaver Coal Company, the Claycraft Mining and Brick Company, divide Page 43 with the Birm- ingham Trust and Savings Company. Page 42 is split between the Pursglove Coal Mining Company and the Maher Collieries Chicago, Illinois ++ Editor bor Editor ess Manager Advertising rates on application, carries-t#vo small advertisements of coal companies. i The first article in the January issue of the American Coal Miner is entitled: Lewis Administration Wins Miners’ Ap- proval. Sane Wage Policy Adopted by Com- mittee. Further comment would be superfluous. “In the Public Interest”’ The record of the class struggle in the United States is replete with instances in which the capitalists committed their most out- rageous crimes against the oppressed workers and farmers and hid them behind a smoke wreen of “public interest.” The policy pur- sued by the oil-spotless Hughes in the Depart- ment of State campaign against Russian recoz- nition is a rare example of this hypocrital policy. When Hughes’ agént was asked by Senator Borah during one of the sessions of the Senate sub-committee hearings for information re- garding the expenditure of Russian money on Communist propaganda in the United States, ne replied’ that he could not release this in- formation to the public “in the public inter- est.” This reply met with laughter from the zommittee and the audience. It was an old, hackneyed bluff and was accepted as such by averybody present. Now the Senate Committee wants the letters on Soviet Russia sent the State Department by Governor Goodrich of Indiana. The answer of the State Department is again a blunt re- fusal to give the information. Mr. Hughes again says that the publication of this letter “would be incompatible with the public inter- 2st.” As to other letters requested by Borah, Hughes passes the buck to the War Depart- ment. This is a stupid way of attempting to pull out of a difficulty. Everybody knows that she War Department will follow the example set by Hughes. It will refuse to make public war “secrets,” It is plain to every one that if the letters in question contained information justifying the Hughes policy they would have been made public long ago. Obviously, the letters contain damning evidence concerning the policy of the 3tate Department. Mr. Hughes as the spokes- man of the Standard Oil interests in the Tea- pot Dome Cabinet, is arrogating to himself the the position of guardian of the public welfare . only to hide his sordid services to the capi- talists of this country in their hostile policy towards Soviet Russia. -One of the chief mourners at-the bier of Wilson is Brother Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor. He never wavered in his loyalty even when secret serv- ice agents of the Wilsonian department of justice were breaking the steel strike. 4 Senator LaFollette symbolizes the hopeless- ness and helplessness of the middle class. .The senator from Wisconsin personifies the inac- tion, hesitancy, indecision and lack. of political initiative which are so characteristic of the petty capitalist owners whose champion he is. Never in his long career has LaFollette had such a splendid chance to strike telling blows against all the powerful interests he has for many years denounced in the bitterest words. Yet, how has LaFollette availed himself of his opportunities to do what he has been saying he wants to do? He has thrown away pract- ically every chance that came begging at his political door. It was LaFollette who really started the whole Tea Pot Dome Oil affair. It was La Follette’s resolution in the last. Congress that set fire to the oil edifice of Fall and Denby. But today LaFollette has lost the initiative and is no longer the leading character in this most important political drama. Except for his de- mand to probe the stock profits of the oil com- panies involved in the scandal, LaFollette has not fired a single barrage into the camp of Coolidge, Lodge and Smoot. In the debate onthe question of Soviet Rus- sia, Senator LaFollette again threw over the brink an opportunity to hit: his enemies very hard. Even in the all-important tax issue La Follette has not measured up to the situation. His lieutenant Frear, in the house, has done much more in driving back Mellon than the whole flock of “radical” Senators has done to date. “Fighting Bob” has made a cardinal mis- take in the present fight. LaFollette has put all his eggs in one basket. He has staked his all on the railroad question. Under the pres- ent circumstances with Teapot oil spattering every corner of the United States and with tne tax question begging for action, there is very little likelihood of getting any decision on the railroad problem, important as it may be. * All LaFollette has done to date on this hob- by of his is to give more power to the Demo- crats. Even if the strenuously objectionable Section 15-a of the Esch-Cummins Act should be repealed that will not automatically bring about a reduction in freight rates. But no one would seriously consider for a moment that Coolidge will permit the repeal of this section. Senator Robinson, the democratic whip, has publicly announced his opposition to LaFol- lette’s railroad program and railway evalua- tion scheme. Senator Smith, the Chairman of the Commerce Committee, whom LaFollette has put on the map of politics, has declared privately that tho he is opposed to certain features of the Transportation Act of 1920, he is not prepared to go along with LaFollette and is not ready to make a vigorous attack on the Esch-Cummins law. The outstanding weakness of LaFollette’s failure to date was well summed up by one of the leading spirits of the insurgents when he said: “The whole trouble is that we haven't yet been able to map out a definite program.” These are significant words. They tell the reason for LaFollette’s not measuring up to the numerous opportunities that have present- ed themselves to him in recent months. If there are any workers and farmers who are anxious to put their faith in LaFollette leader- ship in the coming election struggles against the big bankers and industrialists, they would do well first to examine LaFollette’s repeated | throwing away of chances to strike their en- }emies; LaFollette’s complete inability to take | the initiative and wage an offensive struggle against the reactionaries. The Blood In Steel The United States Steel Corporation has an- nounced the payment of an extra half per cent dividend on its common stock for the fourth quarter of the business year. This is significant in view of the introduction of the eight-hour working day in most of the Steel Trust’s mills. Last Spring Gary and his handpicked impartial experts whined over the proposal to abolish the 12-hour day and~pro- claimed far and wide that the shorter workday ‘would ruin all chances of the “brains” of the industry being duly rewarded. Indeed, no ohe took Gary and his satellites seriously. Least of all did they take themselves seriously, for Gees “experts” ‘knew they were outraging the truth. It is obvious that the steel workers have been producing such fabulous profits for their mas- ters that not even a reduction in the working period can materially dent the capitalist profits. But the Steel Barons refused to take. any chances on declaring vacations in the industry of extra-dividends. When the intolerable work- ing hours were cut, they slashed wages. Hence, it is no surprise to find that the United States Steel Corporation. increased its net profits last year by more than seventy million dollars, or an increase of 70% over 1922 and a grand total of $179,650,910, This is the banner year in the history of the Steel Trust, except for the War years. The story of the rise of the Steel Empire reads like the story of the rise of a kingdom of pirates. The Steel edifice rests on the crushed bodies of the hundreds of thousands of over- worked and underpaid workingmen toiling in the hell-holeg of the mills. The titanic profits amassed by the steel capitalists, are only the congealed sweat’ and blood of the workers ground in their deadening daily toil. Brotherly co-operation unmarred by parti- san prejudices marks the manner in which prominent democrats and republicans have worked for the oil interests, according to Mr, Doheny’s recent interesting revelations, ‘ ‘ HE fractional limitations of our so-called democratic rights were vividly presented in a row between the managers of the radio broadcast- ing station at Albany, N. Y., and a speaker, who made use of their ap- paratus, to express his views on a vital public question. He was told that when he reached a certain portion of his speech he ‘was to signal the attendant, and that he would be cut off, while the at- tendant announced, that the speech twas ‘completed. In the words of Hin- denburg: “Schluss,” Had it been a representative of a tworkers’ organization, he would never even have been allowed to come ngar the transmitter, ‘Certain- fy his protest would not’ have been carried by the big daily press, But this speaker happened to be J. Quinn, National Commander of the American Legion, He was broadcast- ing a speech, setting forth the Le- gion’s present position in fayor of the bonus, and the “objectionable” part of his speech was a criticism of Secretary Mellon, He protested, but his speech was censored just the same, Officials of the Radio Corporation of America announced that musical programs ‘were never interfered with, but:that all speech- R,|not against it. THE DAILY WORKER Legion Commander Learns Limitations of Free Speech es were subject to control. We should like to see someone try to ‘broadcast “The Internationale.” Commander Quinn has received an important lesson in the limitations of the democratic process for which he, presumably, stands very. strong- ly. This belief in no way interferes ‘with his local posts when they dis- rupt' workers’ memorial meetings in| honor of the greatest international figure of our day.. But he has learned from experience that the ownership and control of the means of disseminating opinion very ef- fectively chokes that free expres- sion upon which alone democratic processes can be based, The radio is an effective propaganda medium. Thanks to private ownership, it can now be used for Meilon, but not against him. For Big Business, but And, within these limitations, for the Legion, and not against it. Mr. Quinn, hot. under the collar at’ the curtaflment ‘of his own “right of free speech,” would not lift a‘ finger to help permit the broadcasting of an opinion that he did not share. But the discomfiture of the Le- gionaire should help awaken the workers to a realization of what they are up against. Thanks to high cost of broadcasting apparatus, and Unemployment and Child Welfare pontine By JOHN HARVEY During the industrial depression of 1921-’22, the children’s bureau of the United States Department.of Labor collected some very interest- ing statistics regarding the effect of unemployment on the welfare of the children, . In transmitting the report to Secretary of Labor Davis, Grace Abbott, chief of the children’s bureau, said: “Large groups of children suffer, not from temporary, but per- manent losses, as a result of a period of industrial depression, Those',,. who are interested in raising the; standard of our citizenship thru bet- ter care of the children of the coun- try cannot. regard as outside the field of their concern proposals for preventing unemployment and, fail- ing in a program of ‘prevention, measures which are necessary ‘for safeguarding the children during a period. of unemployment.” Now, that we are fast approach- ing a new period of industrial de- pression, it would be interesting to make inquiries as to the fate of this report, which Secretary Davis filed away when it was forwarded to him some time ago, and the ex- istence of which he has undoubtedly forgotten by now. . That Secretary of Labor ‘Davis could consider such a report serious- ly for a moment, would be both a contradiction and. an impossibility. Firstly: He is one of the staunch- est and most reactionary supporters of the capitalist system, As such, unless entirely ignorant of the sy- tem which he supports, he must know that unempioyment is a phenomenon of capitalism that is inseparable from it. Secondly. As a member of the cabinet, headed by our strike- breaker president, he cannot be en- tirely ignorant of the strike-break- ing and labor-humbling aspect of the 1921-'22 industrial depression. He will remember that in all those journals which express the will of the industrialists, there appeared again and again orders to take ad- vantage of this period of industrial depression to smash the gains that labor had made during the period of war-time prosperity. To make this melonarseeing, wage-reducing drive reach the maximum of success, the artificial creation of unemployment was at many times necessary. Thus the capitalists, including Mr. Davis, aggravated the already: serious un-- employment which Mr..Davis in the future is requested to prevent. This report, tho prepared under Mr. Davis’ department during the very same year he and his friends were increasing the amount of un- employment and smashing the. un- ions, contains some valuable data. Racine, Wisconsin, and Springfie:d, Massac! in different sections | of the country, with different in-; rounds, were the cit- dustrial bac! oon. ies chosen for the investi ard year it was, even. for the fia ili f ‘fairly prosperous, s! works, What the condition was of the unskilled laborer can be imag- ined. A representative case among those investigated was that of a worker and ily which, at the long day’s work is o'er; borne on our funeral song. Toward nt cold” grave beneath the Kremlin's wall ces do tore hy Md hae ern The silent Singh ‘in Peter ne ee inicise Ns ole report shows clearly what a/ | of millions of the workers turn, still sounds it’s clarion cal; — souls the answering puses burn, beginning of this year, owned their house and had a thousand dollars in the bank. The father, who had been getting as high as $175 a month, lost his job. At the end of the year the same family had. no money in| the, bank, and a mortgage which they had taken out on the house dur- ing the year, was about to be fore- closed. Of course, for a time, unemploy- ment was so bad there were not even jobs for children, but during this period children were usually given. th6 preference for any jobs that were open. On this point the report says: “some children, during all the time when men and women were so desperately in need of em- ployment, left school and secured work.” But the report fails to touch upon a serious consequence of this year of unemployment—a condition directly affecting the. youth, When there was a shortage of labor the industrialists were not in a. posi- tion to ditferentiate much between workers. But, with this period of vnemployment; both thru the selec- tive discharging of workers at the first of the year and selective hir- ing when the period of depression was ending, they were able to great ly increase the proportion of young workers. In this way, aside from the dealing of an effective blow at the unions, a new wage standard was established for the unskilled workers, and those old workers who returned to work found ' themselves being paid a wage which formerly had been the pay of a young work: er only. Also, as a result of the added chance, the employer now had to choose his workers, the number of women and girls in the indus- tries was greatly increased., So we see that this period of un- employment has had a more per manent effect on the welfare of the children thru the greatly de- creased income of the working-class family—which will leave a mark manifesting itself in the health and education of the working-class chil- dren for some time to come—proba- bly as long as Mr. Davis and. his ‘like continue to “prevent unemploy- ment” while upholding the capitalist AS WE SEE IT legal restrictions, the workers have By T. J. O'FLAHERTY. not yet been able to use the radio to spread the truth about their cause. The cheap receiving apparatus is within their means—with it, they get the other fellow’s’ dope, which they are unable to answer. The labor movement will have to find some way to use ‘the radio in self ‘defense. What is true of the radio is also true of the big printing press. its cost is « prohibitive to mass of the workers, only by the greatest. sac- rifices can they keep’ their week- ly, and now their first’ daily ‘paper peel The 4 page Os id mouthpiece’ o: ir cause is their only defense, against the avalanche|Pring about ‘the downfall of of falsehood poured’ upon them daily tottering throne sof the Gompe by. their capttalist opponents, royal family in the American lal One of the fundamental Workers |™ovement? Party tenets, which the Legion. tries tl li to choke off from utterance, is that|__ Had John L. Lewis known that the the private ownership and control|British Labor Party would recognize of the means of production and dis-|Soviet Russia vmconditionally, with- tribution of news is incompatible | out insisting that the workers of Rus. ing the Soviet Government, Chester Wright and the other nalist stool-pigeons of the Gom| political hosehold who act as li officers between the Department Justice and the public, begin a ser of exposures, showing the British bor Party and the Russian Comm; ist Party working hand in hand \ with the existence of ‘democracy. Will Commander Quinn agree to this onthe basis of his radio experience in Albany? Well, what applies to news, appiies also to bread and to jobs. " . Workers, get wise to yourselves. Support your press and make con- quest of the radio, Youth Views By HARRY GANNES Laying the Foundation for Militarism Oh, no; America js not a militarist country. But, anyway, if you are one in about a thousand and get a chance to ‘go to high school ‘or college, they hand you this pleasant note: “Have you been told that you must ke this two year basic course in the Reserve Officers Training Corps, either in high school or college, if you expect to to graduate from any rec- ognized college or university?” This is taken from: an’ actual notice that was passed out in one of the Chicago high schools. One thing is certain in high school or college, you must’ become a reserve officer. If the War Department learned nothing from the war it discovered that so highly developed gn imperitfl- ist nation as the United States might be plunged into war without much warning and that a trained officer body is necessary,\ especially in a country that does not have com- pulsory, general military training. The plans now resting in the ‘desks of the General Staff are framed to facilitate quick mobilization. From the factories and mines, from the mills and farms would come the mil- lions of overworked, exploited youth as soldiers; from the colleges and high schools would come a ready- made officer corps to lead the ma- chine-made soldiers to ighter. : ing but —o1 sory military training for a Bons fev years is on the program of the United States War Department. The Ameri- can financiers and big capitalists are frantic in their appeal for a large and efficient fighting force. One of the vital problems they have to face is military man power. A swollen military budget has not yet affected this country to ‘the extent that this disease has spread is slow poison thru France, but if certain generals who have the backing of most-of the big industrialists and financeers were to have their way, the United States would have an’ available military force of from 5 to:6 million. The groundwork of the future Amerigan super-army and: navy is already laid in the educational in- stitutions. The Citizen’s Military Training Camps is but one of the supporting beams; and the rest of the structure is in the building. THE JUNIOR GROUP AS A CEN- TER OF ENERGY Article No. 12. The child. ts even less able than the adult. worker to conduct an in- dividual struggle. . It is useless to system, ; speak to him, as an individual, of Now, that we are already ar-| courage and daring. ‘the conditions riving at another period of what] under which he can fight must be may be, perhaps, even more serious created. He must realize that he unemployment, we can fairly ask,|is not alone, but thut he is support- altho” the department of labor | ed by his. organization, the Tonio has no solutions for the unemp.oy-| Group, and t back of this stand ment problem, that they, at’ least,| the adult organizations—the’ Young get ready their investigators: for a| Workers League, Workers new undertaking. Party, the trades unions, the a iy so long. ents’ conferences, and others, as a part of such an: organization, only with the confidence that the soidarity that, all his comrades give him, can he be ex to use his natural courage and. self confidence and profess communism on all oc- serionee 18 spite of mockery or force. Only t this sense of solidari ‘e in Di ay’ Rowe: tative, oot they. ai iitant pees | of aamlave Then ions become, not “What can I do?” or “What shall I do?” | instead, “What can we do?” shall we begin the strug- 7” The ae are ‘ready for The Junior G indicate the vote to be followed, To learn nowledge ai " peta bg mine of the children. ek Thee from our ranks, laid thy body low; “(Watch for Article No, 13, “The But left thy mem’ry ten times more pans children.”) ‘What fools they: be who oo, that by yrostyaeg TO THE CHILD EXPLOITERS PP Oa ag ges Rye forma "No fledgling feeds the father bird, The answer to their holocaust of blood, Pad reagent potty 3 ak Bleep, : ‘This glory is for men. - Comrade, sleep! Nor fear the Work was vain : In . which life was spent for others’ sake; We are the « sia pay the debts loaned by hes el plutes to the Czar to keep the Rus- sian workers in subjection, would. he’ send a cable to the British Party congratulating them on ing dtrection of the governmeig ? -_ * * & : The British Labor Party is—also responsible for a number of Euro- pean nations of more or less inde- pendence—considerably less— scurrying to tip their thats to tne respresentatives of the Soviet Re- public.” Austria turned over the old Russian embassy to the new rulers of Russia. Norway is getting ready to sign on the dotted line. While Mussolini, the Italian Fascist chief was going over the treaty he was preparing to sign with the Soviet envoy in Rome, a message arrived from Moscow, ordering the Soviet representative there to send the treaty to the Kremlin for revision, Poincare is liable to be dropped in a few weeks which may place France on | the list of governments that have rec- ognized the Soviet government. How long can the fossilized Gompers and | his capitalistic allies in America pre- vent the White House from withhold- | ing Russian recognition? es @ +t & Dr. Case, one of the many alleged amorous preachers serving the Lord in Chicago, is now in Buffalo, ready to star in the second act of the stir- ring human interest drama with Mrs. Leland, playing opposite. The holy | man regrets that God is not his | judge. He might allow him to put © on the Holy Ghost as a star witn for the defense. i) se. * @ The Lettish workers who recenti' met in Chicago and exposed Riga, i. the capital of that country, as a capi- — talist press cess-pool, have performed a public duty as our liberal contem- Poraries would put it. Many of the © workers who took part in the meet- ing are recent arrivals from Latvia, and were able to tell from experience the conditions under which the work- ers of that. countre fi efforts made by the bourgeois flun- keys who rule Latvia, to poison the minds of the workers against the Soviet Republic. American workers are confronted with the same pro- blem as are the workers of Latvia. * .* * The workers of Belfast, Ireland, the chief stronghold of reaction in Ireland, have organized a real live labor party and promise to give the — ‘overlords of shipbuilding, linen and — whiskey something to ponder over in, | ithe near future. The rise to powe! of the British Labor Party has en- couraged labor everywhere in th British Isles to make more serious’ | efforts to achieve ultimate emanci | tion. The Bogey of “Home Rule” can no longer work in Belfast, and now that the Orangemen are politic. jally separated from the Catholics of | the South, some other red herring must be discovered to lead the work- ers off on a wrong track. The worx- ers in the south of Ireland are also learning that the so-called Free State did not bring them freedom. are now more persecuted than ever, the Irish army being used to break strikes, something that was never even attempted in the south of Ire- land by the British army. Labor in Treland is learning from a dearly bought experience, and the day is proaching when labor on both ba: of the Boyne,—long the Mason and Dixie line of Ireland—will join hands, bury their religioys differences and establish a United Workers Republic on the ruins of capitalism. oe ¢ @ J Indianapolis, is the principal stron’ hold of the Ku Klux Klan in United States. The Klan broadcasts “ the information that it is a vigorous protector of “pure womanhood.” But Indianapolis has the reputa’ of being a wide open city. does not the Klan clean up its h town? Perhaps too many Klansmen object to a moral bath. s 8 8S The term “progressive” does not seem to convey and meaning in this country any more. In many Lords and Sirs are more ad- vanced in their views than alleged progressives. Here in America the labor movement is infested with hordes of leadérs who have until now proudly flaunted the progressive ban- ner. There is an old saying, some- thing to the effect that at one touch of sorrow all the world is akin. It can be said with more truth at one touch of “red” progressives and re- actionaries are akin, The Workers Party will either smoke the progres- sives out or smoke them in, KY _ For Weekly Installments To THE DAILY WORKER: pe printed “daily, T yest tte tn, eel in) jaily, er wee! installments, because I baliewe it wotild resch more workers. Rupert, Salt Lake City, Utah. How many of vour #! fond ‘THE DAILY WORKER. Get one them to subscribe r