The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 31, 1924, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKE R January 31, 1924 ‘THE DAILY WORKER. Published by the DAILY WORKER PUBLIS G CO., 1640 N. Halsted St., Chicago, Ill. (Phone: Lincoln 7680.) SUBSCRIPTION RATES Beware of Some Friends ‘The brows of our strikebreaking administra- tion leaders are surely furrowed with cares. Investigation, scandal, exposure, internecine party strife, and growing discontent amongst By LOVETT FORT-WHITEMAN. The rise of a negro petty bour- New York, the Madam Walker be- ginning as a washerswoman and leav- ing almost a million dollar estate at The Negro Petty Bourgeoisie sanitary surroundings—to reside in frail] houses, and in unhealthy loca- tions. The authorities in many cities Youth Views By HARRY GANNES The Penalty for Being Young. ) x 4 7 ae Se : 5 A ‘ : It seems that capitalism purpose- | ens By mail: the farmers of the northwest especially are but |geoisie is of quite recent date. And her death four years ago; the Ma-j|concern themselves little with sani- io davies aaalt strong, health: A $6.00 per year $3.50..6 months $2.00..8 months 2 few of the causes of alarm in the camp of |#8, With all oppressed and prose- lones of St. Louis, whose beginning | tary conditions of a negro commun- epable saune Heres: eee ale H : By mail (in Chicago only): $4.50..6 months By carrier: $10.00 per year $1.00 per month $8.00 per year $2.50. .8 months Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER 1640 N. Halsted Street J. LOUIS ENGDAHL....... Cees veseecece Editor WILLIAM F. DUNNE. . Labor Editor MORITZ J. LOEB . Business Manager Entered as second-class mail Sept. 21, 1923 at the Post- Office at Chicago, Ill., under the act of March 3, 1879. eB 14 Chicago, Hlinois Advertising rates on application. Capellini’s Camouflage Is Removed Rinaldo Capellini, progressive for election purposes, elected in opposition to the Lewis machine District 1 of the United Mine Work- ers thru support of the radical element, has fallen upon evil days. - So anxious was he to prove his loyalty to the machine that in the open convention he an- nounced he was sorry he had not poisoned cer- tain members of the Progressive Miners’ Inter- national Committee who had broken bread with him. What Capellini accomplished by this dis- play of murderous venom was to acquaint the delegates from his own local and his district with the real character of the man they had elected. On the roll-call on the resolution to change the constitution and deprive officials of ap- pointive power and on the result of which the life of the Lewis machine depended, Capel- linj voted with the administration, but he could not carry his own local; Alex Campbell voted against the machine. So did the deiegates from the Pittston locals, formerly considered Capellini’s stronghold. This exposure of Capellini before the mem- bership of his own district is a victory. The Lewis Machine, like almost every other machine in the labor movement, including the Gompers machine, has retained power by bribing, buying and coercing men whom the membership has come to look upon as pro- gressives, by covering its own corruption and inefficiency with a thin veneer of radicalism furnished by traitors'to the rank and file. For- mer members of the socialist party now hold high places in the Lewis administration, their @arly insurgency completely forgotten. ~~ New blood must flow into the veins of the machine constantly. It keeps a watchful eye on young and able onganizers and speakers. It takes them up and gives them good jobs. They become professional office-holders. They look with contempt on their radical former associates. Without this constant influx of new blood the machine could not lwe and it is gratifying to know that very early in his career as a cheer-leader for the administration forces, Rinaldo Capellini, president of one of the largest districts of the United Mine Workers, has, by being forced out into the open by the militants, removed all doubt as to where he the reactionary Republicans. Anxiety for the welfare of the farmers has become the bedfellow of even the calm Calvin Coolidge, who a few months ago, told the farmers to go shuffling for themselves, At first one is likely to feel surprised at these presi- dential efforts to bring cheer to the farmers. But a second thought on the Coolidge pro- gram of farm relief dispells all doubts as to what Coolidge and his clique are really after. A so-called farm relief conference is to be convoked by the Administration. At this con- ference yepresentatives of the big banks and the biggest business and transportation inter- ests will get together to talk about the farm ¢risis. Sundry meaningless proposals will be made and palmed off-as genuine farm relief measures. What the burden of the song of these “friends” of the farmers will be is plainly evi- dent from some of their measures that have already been given wide advertisement. A proposal isto be made to refund the loans made the farmers. This, of course, will help the farm bankers but not the farmers. Another panacea to be offered at this c#i- ference of the farmers’ “friends” is the estab- lishment of a syndicate of banks in the big cities of the middle west. These banks will work in close touch with the War Finance Cor- poration of the government and will be di- rected by the latter. Already several promi- nent middle western bankers have established such an agency in Sioux Falls. This measure also merely aims to help the bankers who have been hard hit by the agricultural collapse and does not do anything at all for the suffering farmers. Should the Administration put into effect the above proposals, the farmers, more than ever before, would be at the mercy of the bankers. More than ever before, the over- lords of Wall street would have a strangle hold on agricultural finance. These measures only aim to tighten the grip of the big eastern financiers and industrialists on the western agricultural areas. They spell only more ruin and more troubles for the farmers. Labor Banking and Labor Many ardent advocates of labor banking have greeted with joy the spread of the trade union banking movement as a sign of the ad- yent of a new era of labor solidarity. We are sorry. But we cannot see how close and sinister contact on the part of the respect- able labor bureaucrats with the biggest bank- ing interests in fWall Street tends to promote labor solidarity. These wishes may be grand. Yet they militate against the facts and the truth. Our labor movement has been cursed with numerous jurisdictional disputes—quarrels which are the very life blood and essence of “graft” unionism. Labor banking, tho still very young, has already shown that it is fraught with many serious dangers to the soli- darity of the working class. For one thing, it tends to increase the number and variety of the scourge of jurisdictional disputes that is now cuted races, its rise has been thru turning to economic advantage the social disabilities of the. race; to give some specific examples: in our larger Northern cities, during the last decade or more, a highly lucra- tive real estate business has devel- oped among a class of negroes based on the transfer of apartment houses from white to negro tenants at much increased rents. The negro real es- tate dealer in order to create busi- ness for himself, persuades the white property-owner to put his property in his hands, and rent to negro ten- ants; that, thus, he can get much more out of his property. And the negro real estate dealer putting in negro tenants easily extracts some- times as much as 35 and 40 per cent more than what the white tenants were paying who had moved out, say, just the day before. Because of the nation-wide practice of residential discrimination against negroes, there are always limited numbers of sub- stantial houses for negroes. Theres fore the negro house-rent agent can get almost any amount he asks. Thru 300 years of life in America, the white man imposed “upon the ne- gro his ideals and social standards. The latter has been taught to be- lieve that a light skin is the perfect complexion, straight hair, the proper hair. The desire and effort to attain these physical changes on the part of the negro have been met and capitalized by business persons with- in the race. As a result we have produced such exceedingly wealthy negro families as the Walkers of By J. E. SNYDER \Agrarian Organizer, Workers Party (@) KLAHOMA has twenty-four state schools. The inquisition against corrupt politicians, and appointees of Walton, has been extended on into the realms of edu- cation, The newspapers, given to much praise, for the ditching of Walton and his staff, have set up a loud alarm against the cutting down of appropriations, at the expense of edu- cation. Five schools are proposed for the axe. They are mostly all in farm dis- tricts, They accommodate 1,150 stu- dents, and the buildings have cost the state approximately a million and a half dollars. Four of the schools are industria] and one military. In what is known as the “Chero- kee Strip” two sections of land in each township are set aside for the upkeep of state institutions. The strip is about sixty miles wide and two hundred miles long and, if right- ly handled, these two sections could have produced enough income by this time, since the opening of the “Strip,” in 1893, to run a hundred schools much larger than the twenty-four. Like all public institutions under the ging system the school lands have n leased, in many instances, to Wee. at the beginning of his first week as Premier, ‘Don- ald kissed the King’s hand, we were litical enemies | ‘was just as humble; the Overtons of Chicago, and others, Negro politicians receive lucrative jobs thru their ability to lead the negro voters as the white capitalists would have them led; which is never to the interest of negro voters, Again, there is capitalization of the negro’s pride in seeing some mem- ber of his race in governmental of- fice. It counts little with the negro voter as to the moral character or mental calibre of the negro official; the fact that. he is one of his race is sufficient. And as a result negro political organization amounts to nothing more than a nauseous scheme of ‘graft for a few negro leaders. One might go on with enumera- tions of the peculiar conditions with- in the race gach been vantage ground ‘upon whi the negro petty bourgeoisie has risen. It might he interesting to mention this fact that because of the monopolization of commodity production today in American life, the negro with small capital finds it more profitable to in- vest in pleasure-sorts for his peo- ple. Here he does not have to compete with the white man, excepting until recently, fur tiie Jew has entered the negro commercial field with the es- tablishing of cabarets, theatres, etc. Nevertheless, the fortunes of many well-known negro families can be clearly traced to trafficking in women, ity. Such being the case it is easily noticeable that negro undertakers are always among the most prosper- ous among negroes. Yet the conscienceless rise of the negro petty bourgeoisie has its par- allel in all the oppressed races of the world. It is’ only thru further ex- ploitation of the already enslaved masses that the development of a petty bourgeoisie of that race is pos- sible. The Jewish employer is more oppressive on the Jewish employes than the gentile. The Indian rajahs are Englands’ greatest aid in holding the Indian revolutionary masses in check. They know that a free In- dia would mean their dethronement, During the war the negroes of New York succeeded in electing a negro to state legislature, and after many years of effort; all felt very proud of having a negro member in such an august body. But he had not been there tong when some member proposed that the government should investigate land-lord profiteering. This negro member was loudest in his protest against such a proposal, and in spite of the fact of it being quite obvious that negroes would have ben- efitted most by such an investigation. Behind the protest of this negro leg- islator was the fact that he himself was a land-lord. gambling houses, and other forms of vice. The death rate among negroes in our northern cities is much higher than among white, and because ne- [ speculators, witha “pull,” who, in turn, rent it out to those who actual- + try to make a living on the land. Even public lands are “not for the users,” Instead of abolishing schools that give many a country boy and girl an opportunity to prepare for higher education while stil] at home the Ok- lahoma Legislature might do well to clean out the speculators in school land properties and turn the revenue into the intended channels, The University and Normal and Ag- riculture College appropriations are to be hit hard, also. Over four hun- dred thousand dollars has been cut from the appropriations. Twenty thousand dollars, asked for by a state hospital, to establish a dairy for the afflicted ones there, was turned down. The legislators who lead this at- tack on school and hospital no doubt know what they are about in behalf of their masters, but the shame of it is, that those who were supported by the farm-labor vote of Oklahoma also uphold this “saving” for the tax payers. It is an established order in the states of this Union to squander money on any sentimental propagan- da that comes along, until the treas- ury is empty and the burdens of taxes begins to pinch, and then to start on a slashing campaign that cripples every social activity in the AT THE KING’S FEET He speaks only for the British capi- talist imperialists and that small sec- tion of the British working class, the labor aristocrats, who are the meek But negroes are coming to see that their social problem cannot be fought out on race lines; that it must bd a class fight in which all workers shall groes are compelled to live amid un-unite against all employers. Destroying Public Schools in Oklahoma state. Elected officials appropriate millions for buildings and buy pub- lic institution lands and, at the fol- lowing session “save” money by abol- ishing the project and, in most cases, hitting at the very vitals of edu- cation. The Oklahoma Legislature is rush- ing measures thru so that they can get home for the campaign, to tell the innocent Dubbs and John Farm- ers how they “saved” millions for them, not mentioning the fact that they can soon have more of their sons to stay at home to pick cotton, for the lack of schools. We have always favored wage workers getting as much pay as pro- fessors, but when it comes to giving them less, we think that it is time to call a halt and insist that the very heart and vitality shall not be cut out of the schools, even tho they do not come up to the standard that we would have under a workers govern- ment, I have contended, and still contend, that our public schools are Ameri- can workers’ greatest safeguards, and no more important work can be done by workingmen’s and farmers’ organizations than the. protection of these institutions from “the never nding audacity of elected persons,” baled echo their capitalist masters’ voice. “By JAY LOVESTONE the whole problem of working class liberation and supremacy. Here we have the real reason for the striking- _ ly instructive coincidence of the Con- or female, What could be harder work than that met in the laundries? Read Jack London’s description of this kind of slavery in “Martin Eden” and you will wonder why so many young girls continue to work in these torture chambers. The can factories employ almost exclusively youth labor. While young workers are the foundation on which the large mail order houses have been built. Yet in all these industries wages are the lowest. The hardest, most mono- tonous kind of labor is the lot of the American young people, their chances for development or advancement are the least. Is it any surprise that the criminal class is composed mainly of young people around the age of 16 bo 25? Every issue of the Young Worker, semi-monthly newspaper issued by the Young Workers League of Amer- ica, contains letters from young workers in industry. ‘They tell of bitter tales of exploitation, bad work- ing conditions, miserably low wages and increasing unemployment. Just the other day a letter came to my attention which is illustrative of the lives of millions of young people in the United States who are forced to create profits for some boss, who are forced to subjugate all their desires, their ambitions, their dreams to the will of a petty foreman; and yet at the end of the week the wages are not enough even to exist on decently, . I quote parts of this letter: “T have been working in a cracker factory—hours from 7 to 5, packing crackers, which means I must stand up all day long. My hands were swollen and cut and pretiy nearly worn out at the end of the first week of it. I got $11.00 a week (and car- fare alone to the job is $1.80), After the second week in this place, the girls have the option of continuing at the same rate or going on piece work, but as only the very skillful can make $11.00 a week at piece work (for one thing, they hold back the crackers on the piece workers, so the others get more) very few girls take the chance, And I thought there was a minimum wage law in Massachussetts!” Incidentally, Massachusetts is the state represented by the bearded wiz, Senator Lodge who is foremost in anti-Soviet Russia propaganda and cannot think of the idea of any organizations like the Workers Party or the Young Workers League tak- ing the initiative in lining up the workers militantly against such con- ditions as described in the letter quoted, What becomes of a great number of the girls whose wages are as low as those given here (and this isnot — merely an isolated instance) has been shouted from the house tops. The Illinois Vice Committee in 1914 put down “low wages” as the primary factor in prostitution, There is a remedy. Fight for these demands: Equal wages for equal work for young and’ adult workers. Minimum wages ranging from the subsistance mini- mum upwards. Establishment of a six-hour ban five-day week for all youth labor with full pay. Aboli- tion of all overtime and night wor! for youth labor up to 20 years of age. Abolition of the piece work and speed-up system, Prohibition of young workers up to 20 years being Ft fea in shops and industries in- | f stands—against the rank and file who trusted | gnawing at the very heart of our labor move- |inclined not to take the kiss seriously. | paupers at He gorgeous tables vet vs servative member of the MacDonald {wiined, coe mits pai bared him and for the machine that no one trusts—/ ment. Only a few weeks ago, the New York| But the King of England, tho| moneyed princes and lords of British| Labor Cabinet being the same Vis- try, glass works, etc.) And finally: not even its supporters. The Philippine Crisis The movement for Philippine independence from American imperialist oppression is mak- ing rapid headway. (There are several bills in the House and in the Senate proposing various degrees of national freedom for the Filipino people. Central Labor Council, which has just gone into the business of labor banking itself, drew up a resolution denouncing the establishment in New York of one of these co-operative banks by Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. The Railway Workers Union was attacked as a dual organization. It was condemned for its interference with the labor banking business undertaken by the local Central LaBor Council. Here we have another fine jurisdictional actually only a political figure head, is also Emperor of India, and is the symbol of the whole rotten and rot- ting British capitalist imperial em- pire. The Fifth George is also the very personification of all the crimes, of all aay 5 oe all ee a. and im ist highway _ diplomacy and polities: To kiss the King’s hand is bad one i But to fall at the King’s feet, well, that’s another matter! Here the workers must sit up and take notice. imperialism. These labor aristocrats are waging the stubborn, desperate, rear guard fights in the reactionary! Montagu, battle for the perpetuation of capi- talism. Hence, it is easy to understand the recent remarks of J. L. Garvin, anent MacDonald, in the Conservative or- gan, The Observer, to the effect that: “This is no Socialist government, It} is well designed to ‘form, during a single interval, a ministry of national work. No wonder the forming of this count Chelmsford, who, as Vi of India, prepared for the imperialistic the present outra; fraud on the representative national- ist government in India. Here we have the real reason for the fact that MacDonald does not fear communist agitation at home as much as in Af- hanistan, At home the Socialist lackeys of the capitalists attempt to crush the communists with more pros- pects of success. It has taken MacDonald but one Organization of all young workers into the existing unions, trade and us | industrial, The Land for the Users! Send in Your News The Daily Worker urges all members of the party to send in ’ the news of their various sec. i king class has| This is precisely what Ramsay Mac-| ‘Labor Cabinet’ was followed by buoy-| week to declare defiantly his readi- There is only one reason for the marked|™ess on our hands. The wor , Pi ae esciaely What eee EE Men Acie? Gos Bie Shoe, Beclenpey at ia lnoe te ee P E-HL Gone. Every Party, Brasek chest advance that the Filipinos are making towards| everything to lose and nothing to gain from | Donald « premier when he declared| already evident that the mortal dan- ee te taki iets IL scibelat ius eae aaeieibowenae Ta national freedom. The Filipinos have fought and fought determinedly and valiantly against such competitive activities. We cannot see how even the most overworked imagination can that India had better behave itself, and that there will be no recognition of Soviet Russia until communist ac- er to this Labor Government is from bor itself. There is an unmistaka- ble threat of a general industrial up- pecatiee masters. The Labor Premier as kissed the king’s hand ‘and has fallen at the king’s feet. The = don bourse is jubilant. The Pace make him responsible for the news that ought to be sent in to The lead one to believe that competition between : ly a ; ron ly Worker. Seamer rAileigati pre sons garda labor officials for the back door confidences of py esto: ae ion Beige sag sega. OOH Has His Number | Beitish” cape sts ellen be cot, ; aoe the Phang Baty. sion and the other against our own imperial] Wall Street can in any way promote solidarity What interest have the workers on} ./%,the above words, Mr. Garvin, one! What will the great masses of Eng-|} Daily Worker. Help make it se, mongst working men, of the most distinguished British lish workingm: tragic a gz! iz journalists, has brilliantly summed up farce? How will the AN placa the peat status of the class strug- answer this defiant Indian letter and gle in England. He has pierced the thi tr threat against Sovie' very pith, the most sensitive bee of Russia? yhisyat 4 : i Ser thts mont ene spot of Hama ee” OS Sr _ Growing Unemployment in Massachusetts less than full capacity during Decem- pacity basis. Only 15 ont of the 89 Address all mail to the Editor, The Daily Worker, 1640 N. Halsted. St., Chicago, Ill. the Thames in maintaining imperialist soldiers on the Ganges? Wherefore are the workers concerned in the British oppression and exploi- tation of the Afghanistan people? What light can the English ng masses draw from the Black Hole Calcutta? What inspiration can the workingmen of Manchester draw from the Armitsar massacre? One of the The facts are these: inherent characteristics of capitalist brigands. The only reason that Congress is now considering the question of Filipino free- dom is that the Filipinos have struck terror into the hearts of their American oppressors. General {Wood is reported to be letting up in his high-handed tyranny because of the re- sistance of the Filipinos. It-is interesting to note that a tremendous sentiment for Philippine freedom exists in — Mockery of Militarism ~ Qur military and naval experts now tell us that the recent maneuvers have established beyond a doubt, that the Panama Canal always considered one of the greatest military assets of the country, lies at the mercy of any first pan America. The strongest and most ardent ad-| class military power. imperialism is the condition under pach rho a doen | ents, manufacturing estten vocates of Philippine freedom are, of course,| If the Canal iene poorly defended, why was | which a small aristocratic section of arg fal eee aio goods, 2 oat of 11 aking lk Goode | to be found in the ranks of the most militant} it is necessary te go thru all these maneuvers ruahtocp ae fees time and part capacity, ; were reported operating full time and | and revolutionary workers in the United] to establish its poor military condition? «| partner with the biggest capitalists Ky Bian a re full Cenige'n 8 ‘ States. The Workers Party has repeatedly} ‘The answer is easy. Our military and nayal | to the exploitation of the weaker co- rectly Thal ait of fe. industrial ‘ eapaatty spemmee Respite | pointed out that it is in the interests of the|experts knew the exact defense value of the | lonial Sei Clee te ae ted workers of the state are operating| clude men’s clothing with 15 outof American working class itself that the Filipino|Canal before these maneuvers. The joint| Siunler of imperialist is| far, Boley. capacity, 4 ie 148 es- | 26 establishments operating : i people be freed from exploitation by our bank-|army and navy maneuvers were simply used lone of the integral, organic parts, one nig Nog eingD 7 A gor i ibe pel j ers and industrialists, It is significant that the|to strengthen the growing militarist demands| of the pillars of the whole system of or 84 per cent, were operating at| ery and tools with 11 outrot 38, oe , Federated Labor Unions of the Philippines} made upon the country by the war hounds and | °*Pitalist imperialism. ity. Among the shoe towns,| chine tools with 11 out of : have been quick to acknowledge the help of dogs. With She'trsed working aoe cae Haha eget csp rly hard | foundries and machine shops with 26 ‘ q 4 Pp of|naval watch dog: ing masses, the story is altogether it of 61 establish yg i the American Communists in the struggle to] We are told that the country needs more 16-| different. ‘The great mass of exploit- Miter eee J win freedom for the Filipino nation. ; The struggle of the Filipino people for _ national freedom is only part of the struggle inch guns, a greater air fleet, more submarines dispossed city and rural work- and destroyers, more military railroads and ed and Few in 7 ers repeal, oa fas Polge ie h " it took the combined wisdom of four hundred |ism. 1 of number of decreases exceeded of the oppressed masses of the world against] officers of the army and navy to make these daoelilavie tate er Srpittalion aad number of increases, Wage increases * the plunder and tyranny of the capitalist im-| recommendations. There is nothin'z startling | # tendency towards a of were reported by 8 establishments, ee ists. The Communist support tendered the to the struggling Filipinos is support given to fhe im} one section of the world front of the working-| defences would be found inadequate and that} MacDonald men of all countries fighting against their|the country would be urged to increase its enemiey ents. ‘ ’ & & affecting 3858 employes, while about that. It was a foregone conclusion be- i fore these maneuvers began that the Canal creases were reported by 5 watabise,