The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 26, 1924, Page 5

“The idea becomes power when it pene- trates the masses.— Karl Marx. Special Magazine Supplement THE DAILY WORKER. SECOND SECTION January 26, 1924. This magazine supplement will appear every eerie in The Daily Worker. This Problems of the British Labor Party neutrality of the Liberals, what months ago aroused much criti-|tion which must be paid to y would be the attitude towards'cism when his barbaric sup- the Labor Party, of the bureau-' pression caused a rising on the By ALEX BO! BOLGAR. OT only has the English Labor Party thru its elec- tion victories become the most important political factor of its country, it has also become a deciding factor in the sphere of world politics: It is to be ex- pected from it, that as in na- tional problems, so also in in- ternational problems it will take an active part and help in the solution of much which its predecessors failed to solve. These problems, in their scope and complexity offer to the La- bor Party not merely a large field of action in which it can’ demonstrate that it knows how to conquer, but also that. it knows how to turn its victories to good account, they also in- volve many dangers which, if ignored, can produce a critical turn im the victory. Let us at- tempt to examine more closely a few of these points. 1. With regard to the inner political problems of the Labor Party, the most . important thing is its position within the party machinery, its relation to the other parties, and the measure of unity within its own ranks. For upon this depends the question whether the Labor Party can provide a promising Labor Government, whether it feels itself able to meet the new turn in the political situa- tion, and whether it is in a posi- tion to meet all the dangers which in the nature of things exist. All these questions merge together in the problem of a Coalition Government. - The party is perhaps being deci- sively influenced in this direc- tion not only by. its party op- ponents but also by its own right wing in a very definite manner, besides by the de- mands of Parliamentarism which it has always respected and those of opportunism, which is not always to be avoided. On the other hand, this same Parliamentarism alone, would make it possible for the party to remain outside the Government, ignoring the persistent encouragement of the opposition parties, and con- tinuing the role of opposition party, perhaps a more useful and less thankless one at the present juncture of affairs. This would perhaps also be a more representative policy for the left wing of the party, which regards the socialistic development of the party as menaced by the excess of trade union: bureaucrats, and _ late liberals. It is strongly within their recollection, that is the Scotch section and the leaders of the Independent Labor Par- ty, that during the war period whilst the Labor Minister was toasting with the king, they themselves, also as “guests of His Majesty,” were sitting in prison. A second point hitherto un- explained is that, assuming the loyal support and benevolent cracy, the police, the army and navy, and the industrial and commercial apparatus? The thoroly optimistic, but whether part reactionary; of the For-! eign Office and Treasury will not create sabotage against the Labor Government and the City will undermine its credit thru its great international in- fluence, causes concern to politicians in England as well as abroad. 2. Similar conjectures arise when one considers more close- ly the attitude of the Colonies to the central Labor Govern- ment in the great British Em- pire. Only.a few weeks ago one saw at the Empire Confer- ence the significance of the power of the dominions and colonies within the Empire. Is after all the whole turn in Eng- lish politics during the last weeks a direct result of the Empire Conference. in which the independence of the colon- les showed itself in a very clear light, and an indication of the decay of British Imperialism? Still at this conference the most important personality was the South African prime minister, General Smuts, who only ten part of South African labor. But is it then to be assumed’ ‘that the spirit which evinced Labor Party is in this respect) itself in Smuts’ activities and iwhich was not restricted to the officialdom, for the most|South Africa alone, would be more favorably inclined to- wards a central Labor Govern- ment than it was towards a Conservative one? There are certainly a number of Colonies | with very strong Labor Parties }but many far-seeing Labor Party, whether they — possess enough strength to avert an at- tack, if only an economic one, against the governing party of the motherland, remains to be seen. 3. Continental politics also present no little difficulty for an English Labor Party. Cer- tainly the Labor Government is much more favorably placed in this connection than an impe- rialistic one or one which is continually influenced by the war and the Treaty of Vetsail- les, nevertheless many insur- mountable obstacles can be put in the way of a Labor Govern- ment in discussion with France, in active participation in the reparations question, in the re- vision of the Peace Treaty, in connection with Fascist Italy, all of which are unavoidable problems. To the&Se may be ad- ded the unavoidable considera- ‘The Whole German Working Class Is Hungry tain questions, perhaps not so important in world politics, but none the less significant for a Labor Government, such as the consolidation of secession ; States, which has already been embarked upon by the English, the reform and moderation of many League of Nations de- cisions which have been insti- gated by French Imperialism, etc. But an English Labor Government has a particular duty relative to Germany whese most pressing problem —that of the Rhine and Ruhr —demands immediate and ac- tive consideration frem the side of England, not in the sense of a naive European internation- alization of the Rhineland such as might be the proposal of a discreet Labor Commission, but that of a Labor Government which also has the prime duty of considering the welfare of the workers in other lands. 4. Further, the British Labor Party is the leading organiza- tion of the Socialist Labor In- ternational and thereby plays the same part as the German Social Democracy did in the Second International. It is also very similar to it in idealistic respects, but in political judge- ment, in adaptability, in quali- fication for statesmanship con- siderably superior to the Ger- man Party. Whether in regard to its international obligations as the government party of the chief country in Europe it fail in the present situation as the German Social Democracy Par- ty did in 1914, depends in large measure upon how far the class conscious opposition within the Labor Party can influence the actions of the Labor Govern- ment. Trade Union leaders and ex-liberals alone will not be in the position to conform with these international de- mands and a rupture in this sphere would also cause con- siderable damage to the re- maining activities of the Labo: Government. 5. But what is most clear and least contestable, on the part of its opponents also, is the policy of the Labor Govern- ment and also any other gov- ernment with respect to Soviet Russia, which has already been made known. The complete diplomatic recognition of the Soviet Goverment must be taken for granted in the policy adopted by an influential La- bor Party and will also be sup- ported by the middle class trade and industrial parties. The recognition of Soviet Rus- sia is indeed already a demand expressed in the circle of Em- ployers. If the former Govern- ment from political reasons did not fulfill these demands, it is certain that many of their sup- porters will be thankful in se- cret to the Labor Party if they can set up organized diplo- matic and economic relation- ship between England and So- viet Russia.