Casper Daily Tribune Newspaper, July 18, 1924, Page 12

PAGE TWELVE. ~ Che Casper Daily Cribune MEMBER THE ASSOCIAT PRESS ; The Ai jated Press is excius! entitled to the { se for publication of all news credited in this paper «nd also the local news published herein. Member of Audit Bureau of Cireuiation (A. B.C) The Casper Daily Tribune issued every evening ang i The Sunday Morning Tribune every Sunday, at aes ber, Wyoming. Publication offices: Tribune Building, opposite postoffice. ap SS RE Te TG ST Wntered at Casper (Wyoming) postocfice as second class matter, November 22. 191 Business Telephones - Branch Telephone Departments. By 3. EB. HANWAY and E. BE, HANWAY dvertising Represenratives ar urs Pr tigen, 1720 23 Steger Bidg., Chi- New York City; Globe Fids., ; Sharon Bidg., 55 New Mont n Francisco, Cal. Cop! 1 {lle in the New York, Chicago, Boston, ranciaco offices and visitors are welcome. SUBSCRIPTION RATES By Carrier aud Outside Stat One Year, Dally and Sunday -. (ne Year. Sunday Only Six Monthe. 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Register complaints before $ o'clock i Which Shall We Have? ‘ One of the near economists proclaims that “the senate of the United States has developed inte 1 a dam against the current of popular thought.” Therefore this publicist wants a tional ref- erendum upon all questions that affect us as a nation.” As nearly all questions do, what he pro- poses is that about every day in the year shall be election day and that every one of us shall make the ways and meanis of legislation his per- ennial business. . That our popularly eleeted senate still remains somewhat sueh a bar to popular passion and eaprice, as the founding fathers intended, is a point in its favor. That the supreme court ful- fils its constitutional function and duty of nul- lifying laws that could not constitutionally be sed, is a point in its favor. The fo athers feared popular misjudgment and dey upon the e did They id passic 11789, the years especially 17. nded down to us no demo- provided with plenty of on, betwe So they sive ourselves. We canngt keep athers and trail with Senator 1 ame time. We-cannet be direct ¢ v air republic. Do we want a democ Or shall we keep : the republic? | These aniraearule Ag the president of jhe American Bar associ- ation, Mr. Davis ventured an opinion with re- spect to the ratification of treaties that now finds exp: on in the Democratic platform. He vomunended a resolution pending in ec permit such ratification by a majority a two-thirds vote of the senate, and he rgued at some length in favor of this proposal. We need sall attention to the inconsistency of the ; Democ ic platform in view of that party’s ' strict adherence to the two-thirds rule in the nomination of its national candidate. If majority rule would permit -treaties through the senate a little easier, application to the same rule would have permitted the Democrats to nominate a president without being obliged to take one hundred and three ballots and consume rifteen days in the process, But the result. would not have been ne tisfactory to Mr. i howeyer pleasing it might have been to Will Gibbs McAdoo. The Democratic party haying been spared McAdoo by the two-thirds rule, its ndidate for president may, perhaps conclude that the rule has some virtue as applied to the ratification of treaties between the United States and other countries. hardly sopnteree ‘The Dominant Issue ~ According to the views of Republican leaders the tariff and the league of nations will be dom- inant issues in the campai, f 1924. Thi made clear by platform di known attitude of the candidates. Of, cou material factor will be the amazing ri Republ n administration has made in the reduction of expenses, the reduction of the nat- ional debt, and reduction of taxes, but, since the Democrats commend these policies, there can be no isshe upon them. There is; hewever, direc issue on the tariff and the league. The Republican convention adhered to its tra- ditional tariff policy. The platform declares that “we reaffirm our be in the protective tariff to extend needed protection to our productive in- ductries. We belie in protection as a national pol with equal regard to all sections atid to agriculture and industry” The tariff plank en- s the flexible clause which permits the dent to increase or reduce tariff rates on yasis of diff ice in cost of production here feguard against exc ye’ du- ugainst too low customs chargy The Demoers convention — de red for a om itive tariff, y one which will permit “effective competitior A tariff which its “effective competition” is of course, permits the foreign y lucer to nmipete cessfully with the Ame um producer, to compete successfully, the foreigne his goods in the American market, which means the displacement of American goods and the curtailment of. American production, the lessen- ing of American employment, und the cutting of American wages. President Coolidge stands for the Republican otective tariff princip] . Da the Demo- atic nominee, has made his tariff views known on numerous occasions. Last January he wrote lies and suc- In order must sell I a letter to the West Vi 1 Democ ic executive committee in which he moval all articificial barriers.” Shortly after writing that letter Mr. Davis delivered an ad- dress in Philadelphia in which he u revis ion of the tariff “on a competitive pvenue busis.” He denounces the present Republican tariff and demands that it be “scrapped.” He is for a tariff for revenue only, which means op position to a tariff for protection. Thus the historic issue between the Republican aud, Democratic parties is presented again this | year not only by the platforms but by the per- of the Daily | >) SUR: sonal views of the candidates. a The issue is just as clear on the league of na- tions. It is true that the Democratic platform stion of proposing a “referendum,” which Newton D. Baker showed to Ke impractical, but the platform put the party on record as still favoring the league. Accord- ing to the New York Times, “John W. Davis was one of the strongest supporters of Woodrow ‘Wilson and of the league of nations.” The Republican platform is definite on that subject. It says “This government has definite- ly refused membership in the league of nations nd to assume any obligations under the coven- ant of the league. On this we stand.” In his first message to congress, President Coolidge said that “Our country has definitely refused to adopt and ratify the covenant of the league of hation I am not proposing any change in that poli neither is the sen The incident, so far as we are concerned is closed. As between these two issues, the tariff will be most prominent, for domestic an undoubtedly problems have always been of most importance as they have also been of most interest to the peo- ple. Cost of Living In their natiot platform the Democrats say McCumber protective ~ tariff “heavily increases the cost of living.” Mr. Wil- liam Bryan declares that it imposes a “tax burd of four billion dollars upon the should- ers the people particularly the farmers. The only figures offered to substantiate this d statement are those offered by the so-called airTariff League” which is a free trade or-low tariff organization, masquerading as Republi- can. The “Fair Tariff League” arrives at is conclu- sion by assuming t the farmers who number some $2,000,000 “derive protection only on wool ar beets, sugar cane, flaxseed, hard spring wheat in Minnesota, the Dakotas and Montan and occasionally milk and butter;” and that “90 per cent of all American farm produets are pro- duced upon an export or free trade basis;” and that they (the farmers) are taxed to the extent of the tariff on all other articles they consume. The air Tariff League” takes the several western states and figur the gain to a few farmers becaues of the f, adds the “cost to the farmers us consumers” and the “cost to non- farming population” together then assume: the m: the pr ” vord | Mine }and-in 1in so many millions from the | iff on agricultural products while they lose mu more than they gain by reason of the manufactured goods. s then cluimed that, #y this process of rea- }soning, the entire population as “consume: pays under protection four billion dollar nually in excess of what they would pay unde low tariff. In substance, it is charged by the “Fair Ta League” that the Fordney-McCumber tariff “robs” the people of four billion dollars annu- ally. During the debates on the tariff of 192 it was asserted by its enemies that the average dutiable law bout 40 per cent, while th ble rate in the 1913 law was about 4 t. So that while it is charged | that the 1 ff “robs” the people of four billion dollars, the 1913 tariff “robbed” the peo- | ple of only three per cent, less or about three bil- lion and eight hundred million doJlars. This is the logic of the position of the “Fair Tariff League” so often repeated by free traders. Outside of wheat and cotton, less than ten per cent of domestic agricultural products are ex- ported, so that it is not true that “90 per cent of all American farm products are produced upon an export or freetrade basis.” Ninety per cent of American farm products (except wheat and cotton) are sold in the domestic markets under domestic market conditions. 5 If it were true, as charged, that the whole of the tariff or even half of the tariff, is added to the domestic price of domestic goods, the great bulk of this “tax” goes into wages thus furnish- ing a high consuming power for the benefit of the growers of domestic farm products. But it is not true, that the tariff or even half of the tariff, is added to the » of domestic goods. The price has no relation to the tariff high or low. If a “high” f costs the people four billion dollars by reason of high prices then a “low” tariff, as for instance the 19 tariff, should have reduced this tax and reduced high prices; yet prices under the S tariff were the highest ever known. In other words, if the free trade or “Fair Tariff logic ig good, the tariff of 1913 “robbed” the people far more than the tariff of 1922 is “robbing” them. Tn the campaign of 1912, the free traders prom- ised to reduce pri ue to the robber .protec- tive tariff of 1909;” yet prices soared to the highest level in history from 1915 to 1918 and did not begin to decline until about 1920 and 1921. freetraders in 1912, promised to reduce the | high cost of living yet the cost of living was high jest from 1915 to 1918 under the low or Under. wood -tariff. The not one iota of evidence that the tar- iff of 1922 burdens the people as consumers four billion of dollars annually. The charge is itical trick, just us the promise to redu cost of living in 16 sa political trick. Threats of tariff agitation are causing alarm and consternation among many manufacturers, accounting for mueh of the business depre: prevailing. Despite the tariff, importations of manufactured goods and many agricultural prod- ucts (on foreign valuation) are increasing; and foreign competition rampant in our own do- mestic markets, Free traders or low tariff advo- es want more foreign competition in the do- mestic 1 ets, to lower prices, The result will jbe the ruin of the domestic markets, not only for manufacturers, but for ‘mers. Remember that Ame 2 farmers sell 90 per cent of their produets (outside of wheat and corn). in the do- mestic markets. | ctorate’s gusts of passion. | did do just that thing. In their wisdom they it. To their credit as statesmen they «did it. had had experience of popular prejudice The Hole in the Sock The fact that there are 15,000,000 people who own automobiles and only 6,500,000 who pz come taxes suggests that there are a c able number of these folk who have neglected to make a report of their in ceipts. Simply because there have been only fi ings within the United States first, is no conclusive proof that y better. This hay been a ve 7 nll probability we will bring the lynch l-up to the usual average after No- The closing chapter to the history of the New convention should contain the innermost as yet unspoken thoughts of Messrs. Al mith and W. G. McAdoo, Che Casper Daly Crivune Why He'll Be Defeated “The first and natural reattion on the nomina- tion of John W, Davis hy the Democrats in ccr- vention in New York is one of relief and satis: fuction that after the un-American, riotous and at times thoroughly disreputable proceedings, it finaly became possible to nominate a man for the presidency who rises high above the cun- ning and the unconscionableness of McAdoo and the appeal to the inordinate appetites of men which, after all, was the big card of Al Smith,” thus writes the Pottsville Journal. “Mr. Davis made no bid for the wet vote of the conyention but it will remain of record that he got it. He has wet sentiments; how deep they are and how far he will carry them remains to be seen. If he attempts to carry them at all, or if he even allows it to pass without further comment by him that he is a wet in sentiment, he will never even be in the running.. William Randolph Hearst, in his New York American, two d ago said with great truth and percip- ‘A consistent conscientious dry candidate is w the country demands, and the only kind of a candidate which the country will vote for.” Mr. Dayis is not that kind of a candidate. “Mr. Davis will not be defeated entirely be- cause of himself. He is a man who has much to commend him. But his party does not have anything to commend it. He must answer for the things of which it was guilty in convention as- sembled. The dragging in of the religious ques- tion is something that shocked and disgusted the American people because it was, above every- thing else, un-American, They are going to re- buke that act. They cannot. get at the cénven- tion next November so they will register their rebuke against that which the convention finally produced—John W,. Davis, its candidate for the presidenc . ir. Davis catinot rise above the Democratic platform. There it stands with all its hokum, with all its appeal to passion and prejudice, and with all its platitudes and heresies. A& a candi- «fate Davis must subseribe to the platform. It must be his Alpha and Omega, his command- ments, more than ten. He dare not break the tablet upon which they were written for they ted the will of the convention before omination represented the will of the con- vention. In other words the platform takes pre- cedence over him and stands above him. ; “President Coolidge inspired and shaped the platform upon which he was nominated. He made sure it comported to his Yiews so that it ean be truthfully said Coolidge is the platform and the platform is Coolidge. The Republican rty stepped back and let Mr. Coolidge have his way. The Democratic platform s brought into being by the Democratic bosses. They nailed the planks in it. Having done this they fought and haggled a few weeks and then, in alarm, put up Mr. Davis to lend the color of respe bility to their besotted proceedings. Why di¢ is? Because they had to do something e their own faces and the battered face of their party. At first they would have none of John W. Davis. He, represented Wall street and 1 certain amount of decency and they did not want any decency at all. As for Wall street it ‘is part of their stock in trade to heap anathema on it when ever the public gives them a chance. But this time they were in sore straits and they had to swallow Wall stret in public—as they have swallow it in private almost since the birth of the party. The Democratic crowd curse Wall street until Wall street needs them badly and invites them to come around to dinner to ‘talk things over.” Then they take a bath, put on clean jinen end go around to see what the can get, “Davis’ Wall street connection would not nec- essarily damn him with the country.'The people are getting over looking upon Wall street as a den of thieves. As a woman delegate to the con- vention said ‘If there was no Wall street there would be no Main streets,’ Incidentally it might be said that frequently worse things are found on some M streets than on Wall street. “John W. Davis will be defeated by possibly ten million majority because he represents a Democratic payty that is no longer worthy of being called the Democratic party, ag was dem- ated before it had been in convention a Denounce Their Platform The revolt iti the Democratie party against some of the un-Ame atie platform is becoming more pronounced and more aggressive. Those hundreds of thou- sands of Democrats who believe in an America- first policy are getting to the point where they refuse to be tied by pl of party loyalty to diseredited economie principlés. They ‘are as- serting their right to think for themselves and to vote for their own end and the nations’ best interes In every state of the union—even in the solid south—they are pfeparing to register tliefr protest in a form that cin be counted next November. They will show their advocacy of pro- tection by voting for the party that stands for protection. One of the most Vigorous of many denunciations of the Democratic platform, is voiced by John H. y, 2 life long Democrat, who thus expre: s in a telegram to a Baltimore period! : As a citizen who is deeply concerned about the welfare and progress of our people, I must protest against the riff convention. At the time the Emergency Tariff Act of 1921 was pass- ed, to be followed later by the Fordney-McCum- ber permanent law, many factory doors were closed, agricultural and livestock pursuits were on bended knee begging for aid and more than five million people in America were out of em- ployment. y as every informed man knows, the situ vastly different, A fair measure of prosperity has been ours since the present tar- iff law wv enacted “In the south, where Democracy has its strong- hold, the improvement has been most pronounced. All farm products are higher. The peanut grow- ers, the cottonseed producers and those men of the hills-who raise our domestic supply of wool are on thei gain and our labor is fully employed. one of the direct effects of the Fardney-MeCumber ingratitude for the De the instrument r conditions. We ar south because of the agricultural schedules of th ordney-McCumber law, ‘The farmers should not be deceived by these politicians who are telling them that this law gives no benefit. Farm machinery. is admitted free. Harness of the class that the farmer uses is admitted free. But even though this were not true, the farmer 1 producer who has more to sell than he is required to buy and it is of infi- nitely greater importance to him to have a good market than to have the privilege of hunting cratic party to condemn sible for these improved bargain counters, um a Democrat of lifelong stamdiitg. No «| man believes more strongly than I in'adhering to the principles and policies of the great leaders of our party—Jefferson, Madison, Calhoun and son—who established the principle of pro- on to American industey fm the young repub- ! bill. To me it seems base irly prosperous all over the lic and adhered to it faithfully for fifty years. in fact, only one of these four great leaders changed his views upon the subject and that wags Calhoun. . “Those upon the farms and ranches, those in the, mills ann work shops, those who labor every- where should not longer be deceived by the pol- iticians who adhere to the fetish of free trade, and should not for 2 moment consider a return to the distressing free raw materials }eriod of 1920, which closed the door.of hope to every Ainericau toiler. “a declaration in fayor of tearing away the barriers which safeguard the industries of Amer~ ica is a declaration in favor of lowering the standard of living in every home where the fam- ily is dependent upon production of toil for its sustaining prop.” The Fair Ones Long years ago, when little girls wore pig- tails and larger ones wore flannel petticoats and little boys wore shoes with copper toes, par- ents took it for granted that their pretty daugh- ters would find suitable husbands while their homely one was doomed to spinsterhood. More in sorrow than in anger and merely to give the homely one a fighting chance, they, educated her at some expense and got her off their hands. This, perhaps, was the genesis of the Amer- ican ‘legend that homely girls are smart while pretty ones are dumbbells. For generations at any rate, the majority has subscribed to the be- lief that beautiful girls have little need of brains and has ressed its frank astonishment when a homely girl captured a prominent citizen. Now woman is emancipated; nearly all girls are educated; and millions of them are looking for jobs. In this competition the small-town girl has a distinct advantage. There are so many thousand small towns in America, all swarming h children, and everywhere the belief pre- vails that the teaching of the lower grades ‘in the public schools is a job peculiarly feminine. These small towns, being normally suspicious of cities, prefer small-town girls, to teach their chil- dren. ‘ Teaching, under these conditions, is a pleasant vocation. The teacher is a prominent citizen and» a model. Her hours are short and she is invited everywhere. She earns enough money to buy nice clothes and pay her railway fare home, and dur- ing vacation she can-depend on dad. In the courst of a few years slie finds a husband. Other girls, rural and urban, baye ambitions in other directions, and one of the tasks of the future will be to find jobs for them. They-cannot do heavy labor; they prefer white-collar jobs; whether pretty or homely they have brains, and many of them are willing to work for a wage men would scorn. i FRIDAY, JULY 18, 1924, =) to ae FOR ie SATURDAY AND PAYDAY 3 AT THE 5 GET THE HABIT OF WATCHING FOR OUR SPECIAL PRICES 10-Ibs. Cane Sugar_-------- _-------95¢e 25-Ibs. Cane Sugar___------------$2.30 §. 48-lbs. Plush Flour__-------------$1.90 96-Ibs. Plush Flour___------------§3.75 een Borden or Red Cross Milk, small cans, me per dozen 2212 e ce ger Borden or Red Cross Milk, large cans, Ripel COzene nn een a zi esa. 1.30 5-Ib. pail Rosemont Jam__------~ -$1.00 (Peach, Apricot, Blackberry and Loganberry) ; Lemons, per dozen Schilling’s Green Tea, 14 Ib. 45@ 1 1b. 85e€ Crystal White Soap Chips, per pkg.-25¢@ The Bungalow Grocery & Market 412 E. Fifth St. ___ Phones 22—23 As they find their feet under new conditions, it is not unreasonable to suppose that they will oust men from their comfortable places in the shade and force them to become bearers of bur- dens. It is not a pleasant prospect for men who have soft hands. Kings in America BY ELDEN SMALL It used to be a sort of Fourth of July boast in this country that “Every American is a King.” But that was back in the days before we began to be interested in the curious indoor sport of buying foreign, titles. for our daughtérs and kowtowing te caste in general. In the history of the United States we have had very intimate relations with a long line of princes, dukes, earls, barons and titled folk in general, a good many of these haying been associated with our arms in war times‘and wearing military rawks and commissions in our service. . But-we have also had more than « casual bumping-elbows acquaintance with a few uctual kings and things like that—entirely apart from the small matter of entertaining them from time to time when they came over in more or less state to “tour the country” and he feted and dined. We have been especially thick with some of the Bonapartes. There was Jerome Bonaparte, youngest broth- er of Napoleon, who made him king of West- phalia. He took refuge in the United States when France and England went to war in 1803, and while here, married Elzabeth Patterson of Bal timore. When he returned to Europe~he left a son here, who lived and died in Baltimore, a grandson becoming attorney-general and United States senator. Napoleon forced an. annulment of the marriage and made Jerome wed a prin- cess of Wurtemberg. Joseph Bonaparte, king of Naples and of Spain, was a resident of New Jer- sey for a number of years, Lucien Bonaparte, another brother, prince of Canino, refused to co-operate with his imperial brother’s plans, and ‘started for the United States, but was captured by the English in 1810. \ Quality is‘the outstanding feature of the Diamond Rings we are showing. The stones are clean, brilliant stock of remarkable lustre, while the white and green gold rings are distinctively smart and attractive. Easy To Buy So-many of our customers have found the Systematic Payment Plan a convenience in ac- quiring rings they have long wanted that we urge you to investigate this plan for your own advantage. e AYRES JEWELRY CO. 133 SOUTH CENTER STREET \ -Lines and Angles BY TED OSBORNE William Jennings Bryan Didn’t want The nomination, Anyhow. All he wanted Was his Way. THE AWKWARD AGE “Why, Tommy, you are too old to cry,” remon- strated the boy’s mother. “Yes,” replied the boy. get*what\I’m crying fo: MERE MAN “Did Fussleigh take his misfortune like a man?” “Precisely. He blamed it on his wife.” “and I'm too young to ‘ PROPHET WITHOUT HONOR, ETC. The Professor—*The boys in my class were so entranced this morning that they remained in the lecture room all through the lune! His Daughter—“Why didn’t you wake them up?” SOCIAL ERROR. TRAFO “Mother, what-is economy?” “Why, Helen, where on earth did you-ever pick up that vulgar expression? Never let me hear you use it again.” , WED AND WON “Jones lost all he had on a cattle ranch, but later he married a widow with two million dol- lars.” e. He lost on the stocks and won on the SAFETY FIRST Author—“What do you think of’ my latest book?” Man’s Appearance IS HIS GREATEST Business and Social Asset THE OPENING OF THE TRIBUNE BUILDING BARBER SHOP Gives Casper a New and Sanitary Shop In Which Shabbiness Cannot Exist and Neatness Is the Word EXPERT BARBERS SHOE SHINE AND VALET SERVICE A Shop of Which Casper May Be Proud Tribune Building Barber Shop TRIBUNE BLDG. SAM COONER, Prop. Critic—*Please don’t ask me, You are so much bigger and stronger than I am.”