The Butler Weekly Times Newspaper, March 8, 1917, Page 1

‘VOL. XXXIX. PRESIDENT: FOR THE SECOND TIME STANDING IN SHADOW OF CAPITOL PRESIDENT - ‘TALKS OF POSSIBILITY OF WAR. MARTIAL AIR MARKS INAUGURAL CEREMONY 50,000 PERSONS SEE PRESIDENT WILSON TAKE OATH Mi Washington, D. C., March 5.— Probably 50,000 persons saw Presj- dent Wilson repeat, on the east front of the Capitol today, the oath of fidelity he took yesterday in the building itself. He came out to the east front from the Senate chamber, where he had participated in the inauguration of Thomas R. Marshall, the first Vice-President to succeed himself sinee John C. Calhoun. ’ He delivered his inaugural ad- dress and then went to the White House reviewing stand, where he reviewed a military and civil pa- rade that lasted fou hours, in which 19,000 men and women were in line. This ended the official ceremo- nies. There was no_ inaugural ball. The parade was only about half as long as that of four years ago, the smallest, in fact in many’ years, There was no ostentation, no fuss and feathers. The whole desire of everyone in authority was to minimize, not to accentu- ate, the spectacular and the pic- turesque. The President renewing his oath of allegianceto the Constitution, prayed God that he might be giv- en wisdom and prudence to do his duty ip the true spirit of the American people. f While trumpets blared and mar- tial accoutrements rattled pro- phetically about him, the Presi- dent pictured the deep wrong the United States patiently had born in the conflict of other peoples without wishing to wrong or to injure in return. Asserting that the tragedies of another continent | had removed provincialism and made-American citizens of the world, and that the principles of, this Republic should be applied to a liberation of mankind, he reso- lutely voiced a determination | that America, standing ‘‘firm in armed neutrality’? must demon- strate her claim to a ‘‘minimum of right and freedom of action” in world affairs. P Peculiar interest and signifi- cance, in the light of his rebuke last night to Senators who pre- vented the passage of the armed neutrality bill were attached to the President’s assertion on this point. Even more interest and concern were aroused when he added: . ‘“We.may even be drawn on, by circumstances, not by our own purpose or desire, to'a more active FOR THE SECOND TIME. leries were silent, deeply observ- ant and motionless. Here and there was a colorful dress, but the uniform colors were black and gray. Senatér Saulsbury of Delaware, the President pro tempore, admin- istered the oath to Vice-President Marshall. It is the oath binding the taker to support and defend the Constitution of the United States ‘‘against all enemies, for- eign and domestic.’’ Four years ago Mr. Marshall took this, oath the usual ‘‘I do’’ in the appropri- ately grave voice which custom prescribes. But today, in a voice full of emotion that sounded to the furthest corner of the Senate chamber, he said: “T do, so help me God, in whom I helieve.’’ As soon as the ceremonies were over the assemblage left the cham- ber and marched through the ro- tunda out on the great platform built for the occasion on the east front of the Capitol. This platform seated 10,000 persons and there were at least 40,000 more standing out in the great plaza before the east front. There had been no applause for any of the distinguished people who came out on the stand, but there was a short. burst of it for the President when he” mounted the little platform, and when the Chief Justice readministered the oath. «Then the President wéar- ing his silk, hat and without gloves, began to read his address. President Wilson’s inaugural address was. as follows : “My fellow citizens: “The four years which have elapsed since last I stood in this place have been crowded with counsel and action of the most vital interest and consequence. Perhaps no equal period in our history has been so fruitful of im- portant reforms in our economic and industrial life or so full of significant changes in the spirit and purpose of our political ac- tion. We have sought very thoughtfully to set our house in order, correct the grosser errors, and abuses of our industrial life, liberate and quicken the process of our national genius and energy, and life our politics to a broader view of the people’s essential in- terests. It is a record of singular variety and singular distinction. But I shall not attempt to review it. It speaks-for itself and will be of increasing influence as the assertion of our rights as we see them and a more immediate asso- ciation with the great struggle itself. But nothing will alter our thought or our purpose. We have - ‘always professed unselfish pur- “pose and we covet the opportun- ity to prove that our professions are sincere.”’ : Making no attempt to review the legislative record of the last four years, the President said that this was no time for retrospect. - The time was one to speak of ‘thoughts and purpose for the im- ‘mediate future. To be indiffer- cent. to the influence of the war “upon America, or independent of it, he said was impossible and he _ . was firm in the conviction that the upon the great problems of do- mestic legislation to which we ad- dressed ourselves four years ago, other matters have more and more forced themselves upon our attention, matters lying outside of our own life as a nation and over which we had no control, which despite our wish to keep free of them, have drawn us more and more irresistibly into their own current and influence. years go by. This is not the time for retrospect. It is the time rath- er to speak our thoughts and pur- poses concerning the present and immediate future. -* Although we have centered counsel and action with such un- usual concentration and success but “Tt. has been impossible to avoid anes-as-a-nation ples of a liberated mankind. we shall stand for, wether in war interested in the peace of the world and in the political stabil- ity of free peoples and equally re- psonsible for their maintenance. peace is the actual] equality of na- tions in all matters of right or privilege. part this country wished to play in the vital turmoil was the part » ‘of those ‘‘who mean to vindicate . yand fortify peace.” » It was 11:45 when them. They have affected the life of the whole world. They have shaken men everywhere with a passion and an appreciation they never knew before. It has been hard to preserve calm . counsel while the thought of our own peo- ‘ple swayed this way and that un- the inaugu- justly rest-upon an armed balance of power. their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that no other eckly Cimes, BUTLER, MiSSOURI,- THURSDAY, MARCH 8, 1917. industries, our commerce, our pol- ities and our social action, .To be indifferent to it or independent of it was out of the question. “And yet all the while we have been conscious. tbat we were not part of it. In that consciousness despite many diversions, we have -drawn closer together. We have been deeply wronged upon the seas, but we have not wished to wrong or injure in return; have retained’ throughout the con- sciousness of standing in some sort apart, intent upon an inter- est that transcended the immed- iate issues of the war itself. As .some of the injuries done us have become intolerable we have still made it clear that we wished nothing for’ ourselves that we were not ready to demand for all mankind—fair dealing, justice, the freedom to live and be at ease against organized wrong. “Tt is in this spirit and with this thought that we have grown more and more aware, more and more certain, that the part we wished to play was the part of those who mean to vindicate and fortify peace. We have been obliged to arm ourselves to make good our claim to a certain mini- muwn of right and of freedom of action. We stand firm in armed neutrality sineé it seems that in no other way we can demonstrate what it is we insist upon and can- not forego. We may even be drawn on by eircumstances, not by our own purpose or desire, fo. a more active assertion of r of national order and domestic safety. z “That the community of inter- est and of power which peace must henceforth depend imposes upon each nation the duty of sec- ing to it that all influences pro- ceeding from its own citizens meant to encourage or assist rev- olution in other states should be sternly and effectually suppressed and prevented, “‘T need not argue these princi- ples to you, my fellow-country- men; they are your own, part and parcel of your own thinking and your own motive in affairs. .They spring up native amongst us. Up- on this platform of purpose and action we stand together. “And it is imperative that we should stand together. We are being foreed into a new wnity amidst the fires that now blaze throughout the world. In their ardent heat we shall, in God’s providence, let us hope, be purged of faction and division, purified of the erratic humors of party and of private interest and shall stand forth in the days to come with a new dignity of national pride and spirit. Let cach man see to it that the dedication is in his own heart, the high purpose of the nation in will and desire. “LT stand here and have taken the high and solemn oath to which you have been audience, because the people of the United States have chosen me for this august delegation of power and have, by rights as we see them and a more immediate association with the great struggle itself. But nothing will alter our thought or our pur- pose. They are too clear to be ob- secured. They are too deeply root- ed in the prineiples of our nation- al life to be altsred. We desire neither cofqucst nor advantage. We wish nothing that can be had only at the cost of another peo- ple. We have always professed unselfish purpose and we covet the opportunity to prove that our professions are sincere. “There are many things still to do at home:to clarify our own pol- ities and give new vitality to the industrial processes of our own life and we shall do them as time and opportunity serve; but we re- alize that the greatest things that remain to be done must be done with the whole world for a stage and in co-operation with the wide and universal forces of mankind and we are making our spirits ready for those things. They will follow in the immediate wake of the war itself and will set civiliza- tion up again, We are provin- cials no longer. The tragical events of the thirty months of vital turmoil through which we have just passed have made us citizens of the world. There can be no turning back. Our own for- are involved, whether we would have it so or not. ‘“And yet we are not the less Americans on that account. We shall be the more Americans jf we but ‘remain true to the principles in which we have been bred. They are not the principles of a pro- vince or of a single continent. We have known and boasted all along that they were the princi- These, therefore, are the things or in peace: ee “That all nations are equally ‘That the essential principle of ‘‘That peace cannot securely or ‘‘That governments derive all of the senate that it:was unconsti- tutional. coneurred on the Hawes road bill amendments and the measure now goes to Governor Gardner for his signature. It provides for a com- prehensive system of roads in ac- cordance with the requirements of the federal aid road law. The lower house of the state legis- lature “Jim Crow’’ bill to or their gracious judgement, named me their leader in affairs. I know now what the task means. “T pealize to the full the respon- sibility which it involves. I pray God [I may be given the wisdom and the prudence to do my duty in the true spirit of this great peo- ple. 1 am their servant and can succeed only as they sustain and guide me by their confidence and their counsel. The thing J shall count upon, the thing without which neither counsel nor action will avail, is the unity of America --an America united in fecling, in purpose and in vision of puty, of opportunity and of service. We are to beware of all men who would turn the tasks and the ne- cessities of the nation to their own private profit or use them for the building up of private power; beware that no faction or disloyal intrigue break the har- mony or embarass the spirit of our people; beware that our gov- ernment be kept pure and incor- rupt in all its parts. United alike in the conception of our duty and in the high resolve to perform in the face of all men, let us dedicate ourselves to the great task to which we must set our hand. For myself I beg your tolerance, in your countenance and your united aid. The shadows that now lie dark upon our path will soon be dispelled and we shall walk with the light all about us if we but be true to ourselves—to ourselves as we have wished to be known in the counsels of the world and in the thought of all those who love liberty and justice and the right exalted.”’ Levy State Income Tax. Jefferson City, Mo., March 6.— The Missouri senate today passed a bill levying a tax on incomes of one-half per cent, incomes of less than $3,000 to be exempted. The measure was passed and sent to the house despite the fact that Attorney-General McAllister had declared his belief at the request Both the senate and the house Favor ‘‘Jim Crow’’ Law. Jefferson City, Mo., March 6.— today ordered the proposed engrossment It provides separate railroad coaches = passengers, ot te rh and He insisted that Senator . Jones had accused the Senators of act- ing in bad faith in the matter and that he, Senator Jones, had well ARMED NEUTRALITY BLOCKED 11 Senators Prevent 76 From his own mind, ruler of his‘ own | Passing President’s Measure. Washington, D. C., Mareh 4.— Eleven Senators led by Senator Lalollette, radical Republican. of Wisconsin, succeeded in prevent- ing the passage of the so-called armed neutrality bill by maintain- ing a’filibuster up to the ‘very moment that the session of the Senate expired by constitutional limitation. ‘Although these obstructionists were able to force their will upon the higher branch of Congress, they were not able to prevent nine-tenths of the Senator mem- bership—76, to be exact—from reading into the record a mani- festo that bespoke the sentiment of the majority of the Senate for the resident taking vigorous measures to combat the German submarine menace. The text of the manifesto fol- lows : The majority of the United States Senators favored the pas- sage of the Senate bill authorizing to arm American merchant vessels a similar bill having already pass- ed the House by a vote of 408 to 13. Under the rules of the Senate, allowing unlimited debate, it ap-}1 pears to be impossible to obtain a vote previous to noon Mareh 4, 11917, when this session of Con- gress expires. We desire the statement entered on the record to establish the fact that the Senate favored the legis- lation and would pass it if a vote could be obtained, The men who stubbornly oppos- ed giving the President the au- thority he requested were : Senator Lafollette of Wiscon- sin, Norris of Nebraska, Cummins of lowa, Gronna of North Dako- ta, Clapp of Minnesota, Works of California, Penrose of Pennsyl- vania, Republicans; and O’Gor- man of New York, Kirby of Ar- kansas, Lane of Oregon and Var- daman of Mississippi, Democrats. Senator Jones of Washington (Rep.) signed the manifesto con- ditional on the adoption of the amendment. offered by Senator Stone of Missouri, which would have prohibited the President form arming or tonvoying ships carrying munitions of war, t Senator Stone was announced as one of those who had not heen given the opportiinity to sign the manifesto, although he sat. silent- ly in the Senate when this state- € U t I I ment was made. Senator Reed} was one of the signers, although he, too, indicated in a speech dur- ing the night his approval of the Stone amendment. ae, Throughout the night, replete] i with angry interchanges, Senator Hitehecock of Nebraska, who was in control of the bill for the ad- ministration, made repeated ef-| f forts to bring it to a vote without avail. He insisted at 3 o’elock this morning that nine-tenths of the Senators were then ready to vote_-on.the.measure,- but-Senater Clapp, whose term expired just nine hours later, rose to a question of personal privilege and express- ed indignation over what he said was an attempt to put responsi- bility for delay on certain Sena- tors who had been waiting for 20 hours for a chance to be heard, “The Senate wants to take a vote now,’’ said Senator Hitch- cock, *‘and a dozen men insisted on objecting.” Senator LaFollette, who had been swaggering around the cham- her, said: ‘‘Yes, they want to ( { I I] t r f 0 ty) BS) a the President of the United States} shrug of ismile. ‘They have done just what would do. Norris and Owen. Owen conelnded his four speeches: consuming Senator Hardwick suggested the absence of a quor- a aun his closing e got up again and said he had been ognition, @ Follette. p lowed to proceed understood that the names were going to be printed in the Record. Senator Weeks then announced . that he had signed the manifesto, but that he felt they should have waited longer before putting it in the Record, inasmuch .as_ there were still eight hours left of the session, Senator Gronna said he - was not afraid to appear as one ef those who had not signed. “The Senator from Nebraska will find that’ others here cannot be bulldozed,’’ said Senator Gron- na. Senator John vot the floor. “It is certain to be resented by the country,’’ he said, ‘‘if Con- gress adjourns and this bill is de- feated by the Senate. The Senate is the only absolutely impotent legislative branch of any Govern- ment in the world. We are re- duced to a point where we are un- able to get a vote except by sign- ing a round robin. What will be the effeet of this upon the minds of the military autocratic classes in Germany? It will be abéut a the shoulders and a Sharp Williams ve thought those money-hunting . money-grubbing cowardly things te? Following this, speeches were nade by Senators Works, Clapp, When Senator speech the about four hours, he yielded to Senator Hitcheoek, but immediately Sen- itor La Follette jumped to the floor and insisted that no Senator could yield the floor to another. Senator Saulsbury, president pro tem, said he had recognized Sen- ator Tliteheoek, but La Follette insisted on speaking and then .of Georgia, m. The roll call showed 69 Sen- ators present. An exciting episode’ occurred fter Senator Hitchcock had be- remarks. It oe- urred when Senator La Follette rying for a long time to get ree- Senator Hoke Smith nsisted that this was untrue, and hat La Follette did not want to ye heard. “Does the Senator from Geor- gia say that statement is un- rue?’’ asked La Follette. “Yes,’’ replied Senator Hoke Smith, from the other side of the hamber. : “Then,’’ said Senator La Fol- ette, ‘‘the Senator from Georgia limself says what is not true.’’ “Task that the language be tak- en down,’’ said Senator Robinson. “T call the Senator from Wis- onsin to order,’’ Senator Will- ams interjected. “And I call the Senator from ieorgia to order,’’ reported La La Follette appealed for time for those who were op- osing the bill. ““Will you consent to a vote on his before noon?’’ asked Senator litchcock, “T-certainly will not,** replied 4a Follette. ‘‘I am here to insist hat these Senators be heard. They have been trying to be heard for a long time. ” Senator Hitchcock was then al- without inter- uption. At 11:43 the Senators rom Nebraska made one last re- quest for unanimous consent*to a vote. Again Senator La Follette bjected. He made the point of rder that Senator Hitchcock had poken twice at great length to the exclusion of other Senators nd continued his objections when amendment. he had also signed with the same extra session.’’ Senator Hitchcock resumed _ his speech. On a viva voce vote to get con- sent for Senator Hitchcock to con- tinue, the chair announced that the ayes seemed to have it. “TI would ask for a division,’ said La Follette with an ingrati- ating smile. : Fifty-four Senators stood up in the affirmative. Senator La Fol- lette remained seated with half a speak.”’ Senator Hitchcock then an- nounced that he wanted to intio- duce,a document as proof that the Senate was ready to take a vote. Senator Martin, after the names had been read, said he had signed the manifesto, but that he had in- tended to vote for the Stone Senator Jones said reservation. He was apparently very angry and shouted: ‘‘The/dozen of his allies. When the responsibility will -rest on the|negative vote was called _ for, President if he does not call an|Senator La Follette alone brought