The Butler Weekly Times Newspaper, October 20, 1904, Page 10

( __—_Governeda,— CORTELYOU’S COLLECTIONS | Use Made of the Post Office Department | and the Department of Commerce, , WR ROOSEVELT'S TWO THOUGHTS. | Every Farmer’s Private Affairs Re- ported and Corporation Secrets Made Useful—Extraordinary Per- version of the Rights of the system, which “i £ for its own profit the affairs of the private citizen and the public corporation, now seeks to establish itself permanentiy on a soil hallowed by the blood of those who died for liberty. The people must decide between im- perialism and the Constitution, be- tween Roosevelt, the strenuous Napo- leon of politics, with the Constitution NO MORE EARTHLY EXCUSE! FORMER REPUBLICAN SHOWS PROTEC. TION IS NOT NEEDED NOW. under foot, and Parker, the learned and | Col. A. S. Bacon Proves by Unanswerable patriotic citizen, summoned from his dignified and elevated position on the | bench by the voice of the people, hold- | ing high the Constitution as a beacon, | flashing liberty and equal rights to all men and to their posterity. Arguments That the Protection Policy Eas Outlived Its Usefulness, Colonel Atexander-8.-Bacon, of New Men who are rarely deeply Interested “in the fortunes of political parties, con- tident that the Constitution and the law of the land will prevail, whatever the principles of the cutive; men, who seldom give utterance to their per- sonal opinions save when a crisis is im- minent now discuss with great earnest- ness the remarkable exhibition present- ed by Chairman Cortelyou in collecting for the Republican party. President Roosevelt's detiance of public opinion in making use of the Department of Commerce in his effort to be elected President is one of the most amazing performances of this strenuous and spectucular citizen, It shocks the so- Ser minded, It reveals in a measure tho depths to which an ambitiou will sink when he casts aside restr: ing intluences to reach out for a covet: ed prize, Republicans know that President Toosevelt has; since he became Presi dent, been controllel by one thought— nomination, He whipped party leaders into line, With patronage as a club he thumped Senators and State leaders until they promised allegiance, In Washington his handling of the ma- «hinery of government so that every branch became a tool was well under- stood, Old politicians were amazed, Roosevelt developed into a Napoleon of politics, His usurpation of governmen- tal rights was so stupendous that old- ‘time Republicans whispered among themselves: “Will the people tolerate this ma Master of the machine, Roos It arranged the details of the Chicago convention, wrote the program ani let it go through the movements of nominating him for the Presidency, Nominated, Mr, Koosevelt became Possessed by a second controlling thought—election, Mr, Roosevelt had moved every pawn “on the chessboard before his nomina- tion, and now he is moving every pawn anil piece to be elected in November, Before his nomination Mr, Roosevelt Was in need of information, On the eve of county and State conventions in every State and Territory Mr, Roose- Velt knew better than the leaders what delegates would be elected. ‘This in- formation was secured for him by the Postottice Department. Every rural delivery postman had faithfully done his work, This grand inquisitorial sys- tem has been reduced to a science by order of the President. The Secret Ser is a farce comedy alongside of the dent's rural delivery, An accur- ate report of every farmer's family is made by the postman. It would be ‘easy for the President to tell any far- mer in the United States how many inen live on his farm, when they voted last, how they voted and how they will vote, He cin tell him whom he owes and who owes him; whether his crops were good or bad, his habits, ete., ete, very thing which may affect a vote is noted sind reported, Such is the system built up by Mr. Roosevelt, who believes in ‘the axiom, knowledge is power. ; Mr, Roosevelt believes in the spy sys- en, When the President realized that the -cilled “imonied powers of Wall did not regard him with favor cured from a loyal and complacent ss the power to start an inquisi- torial establishment especially devoted to investigating the doings of corpora- ti Over the Department of Com- he placed the faithful Cortel- you, To give a special bureau, that of corporations, a proper start, he ob: tained a special appropriation of $500, 000 to bring the trusts to toe the mark, The lamentable history of trust prose. cution is one of the scandals of the Ad- ministration. But it had its effect. A seeming activity by the Department of Justice gave dramatic color to the in- vestigations of Mr. Cortelyou’s bureau, ‘True, no report has ever seen the light, But Cortelyou has been taught knowl- edge is power, And now comes Mr. Cortelyou, ex- Pr dent's secretary, ex-Secretary of nmerce and Labor, clothed in the official robes_of Chairman_of-the-Re- publican National Committee, with a bowstring in one hand and a subscrip- tion list for campaign funds in the other, Did a Grand Vizier of a Sultan in his most palmy days ever seek a sift for his Serene Majesty under hap- pier auspices? What the Postoffice De- partment did and does to secure infor- mation about voters the Department of Commerce has done and is doing to se- ‘cure information about contributors. No wonder grave men look graver; no wonder the press, the guardian of people's liberties cries out against these outrages! But the people will decide whether ‘Theodore Roosevelt's methods of gov- erninent are a usurpation of govern- mental functions of a government “created to govern with the consent of “the governed or not, How can Cortelyou’s master pledge ‘himself to prosecute violators of the interstate commerce act, expose the “evil ways of corrupt and pillaging cor- porations, and restrain the trusts in their nefarious extortions when Cortel- you, the servant, is exchanging absolu- tions for checks among the Wall Street money changers, Truly Cortelyou is a wizard. Those who a year ago de- clared Roosevelt “a dangerous man” now express themselves as having con- fidence in him, A game of confidence all around. Can the money of corporations so control national elections that the great voice of the people can be heard only beneath the ruins of the Constitution sand the curtailed liberties of the citi- wen? ‘ Can the man who captured the Re ‘Wublican party, who enslaved it and venchained, stripped off its old time and honored traditions; also, capture and | senstuve the deciding vote in the nation? The Republicanism of Lincoln, of Mc- Kinley, of Hanna and of Hoar has passed away. The imperialism of Roosevelt, disguised in their luminous ‘Foves, supported by an inquisitorial STRONG CASE IN POINT. Atlantic Seaboard Workmen Get No Advantage From Increased Cost of Their Productions. ~ Frederick Seymour, a Democratic lawyer, nominated for Congress in New Jersey, in his letter of aeceptance makes a practical plea for the issues raised by his party, addressing himseif directly to tradesmen and working men tement that the interests are largely manufactur- ing he asse at “in common with all the seaboard States it is hard hit by our present tarif{ on raw materials which enter into the various processes of domestic industry and on articles partly made up, which are virtually raw materials, and on animals and foods, After pointing out the various arti- cles adversely affected by the tariff he turns to the relations of the tariff to the labor question, pure and simple, with this interesting and irrefutable argument: “The labor question and the tariff are closely connected, but in a very differ- ent way from what our opponents say. While no Federal law can directly raise wages, the Federal Government can as- certain the facts, and can make plain the general principles to be derived from them, and can settle to the ac- ceptance of all men that raw materials and coal are dearer on the Atlantic coast than in the great interior manu- facturing centres, that the seaboard is the best place to manufacture for ,the export trade, that the cost of labor in manufactured products is less in the United States than anywhere else in the world, that the tariff on most man- ufactured goods is twice and, in many instances, four times the cost of labor in the product, that the tariff is exces- sive and injurious, that it is the direct cause of part-time work in our factor- jes, that the cost of living is increased by the tariff, and that the increased cost of manufacture? goods does not go to labor, and having established these facts may publish them.” (rine WARS FOR GREED. « Stirring Words of the Bishop of . Hereford Pertinent to Our Situ- ¥ ation, “The admirers of our White House war lord should derive some timely ed- ification from the individual deliver- ances at the Boston peace conference. Especially apposite to the trend of the times and the fell spirits who are striv- Ing to force that trend were the words ot Right Rev. J. Percival, Bishop of Hereford, in a sermon preached in Bos- ton last Sunday. He made a powerful plea for universal peace, and con- demned wars brought about by politi- cians or rulers to satisfy pride and per- sonal ambition, “Looking around,” said Bishop Ter- cival, “we see Christian nations — my own included—squandering their wealth and their manhood on armies and na- vies and all their accompanying imple- ments of destruction. In my own country last year we spent nearly $350,000,000 on the army and navy. During the last ten years we have, | think, doubled our expenditures for these purposes of warfare. Such, brethren, is Christian progress in Chris- tian Europe. “If we turn to listen to the pro- phetic voices among our countrymen, wherever we live—no fanatical enthu- siasts, but men of sober thought— what have they to say? Every nation, they say, seems to be striving not to be as beneficent, as tender to the poor and suffering classes as it is possible to be, but to become as big and strong and powerful as may be, and to lay greedy hands upon every available bit of terri- tory. “A lesson that we have to learn fs that a selfish war, a war of greed, a war-to-satisfy the personal pride and ambition of a politician or ruler, an un- necessary or ill-ordered war, is a great crime in the sight of God. Our great duty is to put good will above jealousy and greed.” Roosevelt and the Heroes, Admiral Dewey completed his fif- tieth year of service in the navy re- cently and Roosevelt condescended to send him a bouquet of flowers from the White House conservatories. Ad- miral Sehley has completed forty-five years of like service for his country without receiving any recognition at all from the President—didn’t even get a boitquet. General Miles, after more than forty years of active ser- vice in the army, rising from the lowest to the highest rung of the lad- der, was dismissed with the curt an- nouncement of his retirement, coupled with the equally curt order, “General Miles will proceed to his home.” The real heroes in Roosevelt's eyes are first, himself, and then Leonard Wood and General Corbin, ’ For Voters to Decide. Professor Wyckoff, of Princeton Uni- versity, called President Roosevelt to account for his tariff vagaries and de- clares that the industrial prosperity of this country has been achieved in spite of protection, and at the cost of incalculable evils consequent upon pro- tection. The voter should decide if he is sat- isfied with the greatly increased cost of living, which the protective tariff and its monster child, the trust, have brought about. Another anomaly over which thoughtful voters should ponder in the workings of this wonderful prosperity producer—the tariff—is that tariff-fostered trusts séll cheaper to foreigners than to voters of this coun- try who pay the taxes to presetve the very thing that gives them the worst of all bargains, York, in a recent address before the Comwmercial Travelers’ Club, said in part: “There are two arguments in favor of the partial monopoly known as a protective tariff; one military, the other economic, “We are taught in the science of war that the only strong nations are those homogeneous in population and diversified in industries, A nation of farmers might appear to be strong, but in the event of war, when block- aded, they might be slaughtered for want of arms and ammunition, or frozen in winter for want of adequate clothing. A nation of doctors would physic themselves to death, and a na- tion of lawyers would soon expire in the horrible agonies of endless elo- quence, The science of war teaches, therefore, that every nation should foster agriculture and its manufactures of steel, explosives and clothing, so that in the event of war, it may have within its own boundaries everything necessary to arm, clothe and feed its armies, “On this theory, it is the duty of every patriotic people to endure even the limit of taxation that it may be strong in the crisis of war which may determine the nation’s life. Patriot- ism would require us to suffer in times of peace and thus prepare for the emergency of war, While it would Le much cheaper for a nation to supply its own military needs in its own fac- tories, we are not disposed to object to a tariff that should foster infant plants so long as they are infants and unable to withstand destructive com- petition from abroad, “The economic argument in favor of a protective tariff is, that every nation should foster its infant industries until they are sufliciently strong to with- stand destructive competition from abroad, and until domestic competition shall lower the price to consumers at home, the theory being that a rich for- eign competitor might occupy the home market for a few years at a loss, until the home factories were destroyed, then raise the price and recoup all former losses in a single year. The only basis of this economic argument is the ultimate benefit to the people at home by reason of lower prices through domestic competition, “Up to and for some years after 1860, there is no doubt that out indus- tries were not sufficiently diversitied to make us strong in a military sense or to protect our people against high prices of foreign manufacturers in an economle sense, and on both grounds a protective tariff, although very vx- pensive to the consumer, might be jus- tified on grounds of patriotism and ex- pediency. “What are the conditions in 1904? We have plants that are able not only to supply our own wants, but in one year, working night and day, we could supply all the armies, both active and reserve, of all Europe, with firearms of the highest precision. We could feed them by cultivating our waste lands and fence corners. We could furnish them with uniforms and un- derclothing without inereasing our plants, and in the event of a great foreign war, like the Napoleonic wars, we would sell everything to both sides, and at the erd of ten years, would own all their bonds and then say, ‘Peace, be still; go to work and pay up.” WILL, THEY BUY ROOSEVELT? Cortelyou’s Shameful Methods at the Instigation of Senator Aldrich— Fat-Frying the Trusts, %, The New York Times, in a triple- leaded editorial, attacks Chairman Cor- telyou, of the Republican Campaign Committee, for his fat-frying methods and declares that, with the aid of Sen- ator Aldrich, the foremost representa- tive of the trusts in the Senate, and declares the trusts mean to buy the President. Says the Times: “Concrete instances are more impres- sive than statements of general prin- ciple. Here is one: Chairman Cortel- you goes to one of the ofiicers of a large corporation, and informs him that the Republican National Committee ex- pects a substantial contribution from his company. ‘The officer in question is surprised; he is not of Mr. Rcose- velt's party; neither he nor his corpora- tion has been accustomed to meddle with polities; he asks for time to think it over. In the solitude of his office his thoughts run in this wise: I do hot want to give money to the Repub- lican National Committee. But I am trustee of the interests of the stcck- holders of this corporation. I may soon have to appear.before this man as a representative of my corporation in a matter affecting its business, as to which he will have, if not official dis- cretion, at least very great personal and official influence, which I would dislike to have used against me. I can- not let, my personal disinclinations stand in the way of the company’s in- terests. I will make this foced contri- bution to Mr. Cortelyou’s fund.” i Responsibility For Panics, “To charge the panic of 1893 to the Wilson tariff of 1894 is not only a wil- ful suppression of facts, but is a mani- fest perversion of the truth, It would seem as if even a kindergarten would rise in protest against an argument like this, which yet is seriously ad- vanced by statesmen supporting the platform of the Republican party. That panic was caused by the administra- tion of President Harrison, and‘result- ed directly therefrom, and but for the action of President Cleveland in call- ing-a special session of Congress and procuring the repeal of the Sherman Silver act the consequences would have, been even more disastrous than they actually were.”—William B, Hornblower’s speech at Saratoga, September 20, NO MUD SLINGING. | Judge Parker Speaks Out Clean Campaign. That Judge Alton B. Parker, the Democratic nominee for the Presi- dency, is a man far above the small things of life and a man of rock-ribbed principle, his famous gold telegram to the St. Louis convention was in it- self sufficient evidence, but a more striking illustration of his absolute high-mindedness is the following letter; to Mr. George F. Parker, Chairman of the Literary Bureau of the National Democratic Committee, and a humber of the committee which prepared. text-book, The letter follows: Rosemount, Esopus, New York, August 17, 1904, My Dear Mr. Parker: The Times of this morning says that the party text-book is about prepared, and that it will go to the printer in a few days. Therefore i hasten to beg you to see to it that there is no word in it that reflects upon the personal honor and integrity of President Roose- velt. An Evening Post editorial indicates that but little care was taken in that direction toward myself by the com- piler of the Republican text-book, but let there be no rejoinder in kind or otherwise. I feel confident that you need no re- minder, still my anxiety impels me to send this caution. Very truly yours, ALTON Be PARKER, Mr. George F, Parker, It will be remembered that many pages of the Republican campaign book were devoted to an attack upon the personal character of the Demo- cratic nominee; especially in’ regard to his motives in sending the “Gold Tel- egram” to the party convention at St. Louis. That the wishes of Judge Parker that there be “no rejoinder in kind or otherwise” have been scrupulously ob- served will be apparent when the Dem. ocratic text book, now about to be issued, is read, The book will have as a sort of preface a full copy of the Constitution of the United States, as emphasizing the Democratic contention that the “return to the Constitution” is one of the principal issues in this cam- paign, The greatest amount of space in the book is devoted to the discussion of the tariff. HEARST 10 THE CLUBS, From the Ringing Address of the President of the Democratic “ Association. Mr. William R. Hearst, In an address to the members of the National Asso- elation of Democratic Clubs, of which association he was the founder and is now the President, says: “I hope that every official and every individual member of every club in our association will do all that he can —and more than ever before—to pro- mote and ex ound the interests and the beliefs of genuine Jeffersonian Democracy. I call vpon all members of the clubs to begin earnest campaign work immediately, to reorganize where reorganization is necessary, and espe- cially to respond prorptly and ener- getically to every suggestion that may come from the National management of the Democratic party. I have offered my services and those of my news- papers to the managers of the Democ- racy, and in so far as I have felt jus- tified as your President in so doing I have offered the much greater infiu- ence of the National Association of Democratic Clubs, pledging the honest co-operation of all the members to further effort on the lines of that gen- uine Democracy in which a majority of the American people believe.” Mr. Hearst concludes his ringing call to ¢he clubs to get into line and work hard for the success of the Democratic National ticket, in these words: “We Democrats hold now, as we did one hundred years ago, to the doctrine of equal rights for all and special priv- ileges 19 none; while Mr. Roosevelt's party and Mr, Roosevelt, with every appointment in his gift bestowed on soine trust pupvet, hold to the doctrine of special favors for those who can and will pay.” FOOLING THE FARMER, ’ Roosevelt's Lettor Drops Into the ' Old Republican Pretense, _ The Republican_party—hes-for-years been trying to delude the farmer and the workingman into the belief that the present tariff makes them better off; that is, that It makes the American wage carner or farmer richer to pay heavy taxes—taxes on all that he wears, his tools, on his agricultural machinery, on the nails and wood that go into his house, his bed, his table and his coffin, on his swaddling clothes, his wedding garments and his shroud. It is pure pretense that fifty-two per cent. of the American farmers’ crops cre used as the manufacturers’ raw material. It is characteristic of the President's letter of acceptance that he does not say that raw cotton makes more than half of the products of the farm used in this way, and there is no reason why this fact should have been cmitted unless the assertion would have rade the whole statement ridiculous. ROOSEVELT'S LATEST BREAK, Gives the Congress of Arts and Sefence a New Name For Im- perialism, In further emphasis of his imperial- istic tendencies, President Roosevelt, who has hitherto during.the campaign been kept well muzzled by his man- agers, broke loose in Washington on Sept. 27th, when he received at the White House about seventy-five mem- bers of the International Congress of Arts and Science, In the course of a brief address made to them Mr. Roose- velt said: “Perhaps the happiest feature of our modern life is the steadily increasing recognition of the fact that it must be a world life; that no nation can hope for the fullest development if it confines itself exclusively within its own boundaries,” For a Teddy evidently lent bis big stick to George Bruce Cortelyou for use on the corporations, clans in royal style—al that the right firm (a non-union firm, of course) gets the sub-contracts on the Capitol building from Mr, Payne, the general contractor? Will Architeet Huston explain or will the corrupt, vie BUILDING TRADES MASSED TO FIGH cious machine in eS Ge Insults eno i the sub-contracts for the metal la Reseat by P i ylvasia Re the electrical work, sheet metal work, publican Machine, elevator construction, the employmentof laborers, hoisting engineers and others, amounting to hunreds of thousands of dollars, were given to notorious scab firms, companies constantly at war with union labor, everlastingly HOPELESS OF FAIR TREATMENT All Trades Unionists Called Upon to — Ald With’ in a Rebuke of Their Persistent Enemies, The Building Trades Coyncil of Phil- adelphia, after being dalfied with for weeks by the Republican machine of Pennsylvania, have finally been driven to realize that there is no intention on‘ the part of the machine to make the Capitol building at Harrisburg a union job, but on the other hand that it is in- tended to flout the organized trades of the State, relying on their absolute con- trol of the election machinery to secure whatever majority may be necessary by the methods customarily employed, The Building Trades Council has de- termined to resent this attitude of the machine, and to administer a rebuke by demanding that every trades union- ist in the State shall participate in an effectual boycott of the machine by re- fusing to support at the polls any can- didate put up by it for any office—Con- gressional, State, legislative or county. That the trade unionists of the State may understand the situation, the Building Trades Council submits the following statement of facts: The Republican State Capitol Build- ing of Pennsylvania, “For downright nerve, audacity, gall, graft and corruption of the most vi- cious sort nothing equals or compares with that of the machine Republicans in the State of Pennsylvania. “A noted British divine, a careful stu- dent of conditions both in America and Europe, after years of study and a most painstaking and conscientious investigation of our social as well as our political conditions, once said ia discussing the criminal class of Lon- don—the crooks, thieves and black- legs—that ‘whenever one was arrested, indicted or charged with crime, the po- lice authorities in looking up the rec- ords of these criminals never failed to inquire if the prisoner had ever been connected with the Republican Ma- chine in Pennsylvania, or if he had any relatives living in the State.’ “Less than four months ago the ree- ognized leader of the Republican ma- chine in Pennsylvania admitted (as per Associated Press dispatch trom a Florida resort) the terrible corruption of the Republican Machine in Penn- sylvania, and then qualified the state- ment by saying that ‘the people of the great Commonwealth were satisfied, know of it, and were perfectly willing to continue it.’ “What a deplorable state of affairs in a State which boasts of having over three hundred thousand men enrolled in the trades union movement! This corrupt, vicious Republican ma- chine prcposes to erect—in fact is this very day erecting—a State Capitol Building with scab labor, What a shame and disgrace to the organized toilers, their friends and their families! ae “The Capitol building having been classified as an unprofessional job by the American Institute of Architects— as per Architect Husion’s statemeut— it was necessary to secure the services of a business house in preparing the de- tail work for the building, “Mr, Du Quelin, according to his own statements, worked for weeks, his salary amounting to hundreds of dollars, in Architect Huston’s office, with the specific understanding that in the event of Payne & Co, securing the contract for the Capitol—which ap- peared to be a foregone conclusion—Mr. Du Qvelin (the Tiffany Company, of course), would get a certain share of the work, “To bind the matter, and to avoid misunderstandings, a contract was en- tered into between Mr. Du Quelin. the George IF, Payne Co, and Mr, Hus- ton, granting to Mr. Du Quelin (the ‘Tiffany Company), in consideration of services rendered, a contract for the decorating, painting, art glass, plaster- ing, modeling, in fact, some ten or twelve branches of interior work, This contract avas signed by George F, Payne and Mr. ] session of the Tiffany Company. “But when the Republican politic. ians discovered that the Tiffany Com- pany was a first-class union firm, pey- ing union wages, employing Brother- hood Painters and Decorators, under union conditions, it was at once de- cided that some other concern should do the work. The Huncker and the Chapman Decorating Companies of Philadelphia, being Brotherhood firms also, both on excellent terms with the union and paying at least 50 to 75 cents per day higher than any Phila- delphia firm not employing Brother. hood men, these firms were discrimi- nated against and robbed out of the contract by the scheming, vicious and corrupt Republican Machine of Penn- syivania, ses “During July a protest was made agaiust giving this work to a company or firm unfair to the Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators and Paperhang- ers of America, Mr. Huston, the Cap- itol architect, in his office made the following statement: ‘I compelled the general contractor, George I’, Payne «& Co,, to give this sub-contract to the firm against whom the complaint is made.’ Isn’t that a remarkable state- ment? People of the great State of Pennsylvania, just think for a minute! The -Drehitect, Mr. Huston, the sup- posed servant of the people—instead of a vile, corrupt machine—dictating to the general contractor who shall be the sub-contractor. “Listen to the statement of Mr. George F. Payne, the general contrac- tor, just thirty minutes later outside of Mr. Huston’s office, made voluntarily and without pressure being brought to bear. Mr. Payne said: ‘I was to giving this contract to this firm. I had decided on a different firm. What can we do when the architect demands otherwise?” “Is it not strange that these sub-con- tracts under the supervision of Mr. Huston—the man who entertains politi- . luston, and is in pose crushing the workers? —— “Appeal upon appeal was made te Matthew Quay before his death. Sen- ator Penrose was appealed to time and again. Petitions were sent from the miners and the carpenters, hun- dreds of letters found their way to the ‘leaders’ in the Republican party, from Senator Penrose and Governor Pennypacker down to the smaller con- tingent of what is known as the Re- publican Political Machine—the most corrupt ever known in the history of the world. Regardless of all these appeals, the many committees and delegations from Pittsburg and Phila- delphia and the entire State, repre- senting thousands of union men, the Republican leaders, by their actions, have openly declared against union labor, union hours and union pay, in favor of the labor-crushing corpora- tion, the employer of scab labor, long hours, unfair conditions, short pay, the sweat shop and slavery, “What are you going to do about it? The Republican political Machine of Pennsylvania has deliberately snubbed and insulted the trades union movement, It has placed itself on record against union labor; it has placed its seal of condemnation upon our employers because those employ- ers recognize the union and willingly pay wnion wages and observe union conditions, “Not only were the leaders of the Re- publican party in Pennsylvania content with insulting one national union, but they extended their persecution stilt further until it included six great na- tional organizations, namely, the Inter+ national Union of Wire, Wood and Me+ tallie Lathers, the Brotherhood of Elee- trical Workers, the Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators and Paperhangers of America, the Internation:1 Union of Elevator Constructors, the Amalga- mated Sheet Metal Workers’ Interna- tional Alliance and the International Union of Hod Carriers and Building, Laborers, “These six national organizations have thousands of members in Penn- sylvania and thousands of friends, rela tives and co-workers, These six build- ing trade crafts have a right to ask, aye a right to demand, that in their fight against this political machine in Penn- sylvania the whole strength of union labor, the solid vote, shall be massed in overthrowing this dangerous foe ta union labor, “Let union labor assert itself at the polls, let us boycott the Machine in Pennsylvania as effectually as the machine is boycotting union !abor and harboring as well as protecting the em- ployers of scab labor and unfair condi- tions, “We can successfully search and expose the favoritism which is extend- ed to those contractors and others wha are a part of tne graft system which has made the Republican machine of Pennsylvania—the banner Republican State of the Union—a stench in the nostrils of all respectable and decent men, “Trades untonists, arise! Ald the building trade workmen to rebuke this most dangerous foe to human liberty and the most corrupt machine the world ever knew, “To the union men of Philadelphia we say, ‘prevent or cut down the frau- dulent vote of that city at least 50,000 votes, and the union will gain a big victory over the enemies of union las bor!” SURPLUS AND DEFICIT. Comparison by Bryan to the Credit of Cleveland’s Administration. Speaking of the panic of 1893. Wil liam J. Bryan says in the current is- sue of the Commoner: “The first indication of its coming appeared November 11, 1890, when the New York Clearing House Asso- in need of assistance, November 17 the Boston Clearing House did iike- wise, Barker Bros. & Co., bankers, of Philadelphia, failed with liabilities of $5,000,000, Mr. Bryan then gives a long list of failures, beginning with the United Rolling Stock Company, of Chicago, November 22, 1890, and end- ing with that of the Spring Garden Bank, of Philadelphia, May 8, 1891. Then came the Homestead and other great labor troubles, followed by the election of Cleveland to the Presiden- cy. In May, 1893, there were more failures, and finally the raids on the United States Treasury. January 17, 1894, the Administration ordered a $50,000,000 bond issue. August 1, 1894, the Wilson tariff went into ef- fect.” " Continuing with his most interest- ing and timely retrospect, Mr. Bryan says: 4 : “It will be observed that the Cleve land Administration ordered the $50,- 000,000 bond issue January 17, 1894.: That was seven months before the Wilson bill became a law. Perhaps It is not significant, bit in view of Mr. Roosevelt's claim, it is at least interesting, that the first indications of the panic occurred November 11, 1890, a little more than thirty days after the McKinley Aariff bill became alaw, From that date the panic raged .and while its effects were felt for several years, it reached its worst stage in 1893 and during the early days of 1894, during all of which time the McKinley tariff law was in effect. “It may not be out of place to point out that when the Democratic Admin- istration surrendered the reins of gov- ernment, March 4, 1889, there was im the Federal Treasury the largest sur- plus in history, When the Republican party went out of power, Marah 4, 1893, there was a large deficit and the incoming Administration was fin- ally persuaded to make the bond is- sues which its Republican predecessor had at one time thought to be nec essary, but had skillfully avoided.” r ‘ { f