The Bismarck Tribune Newspaper, June 12, 1936, Page 4

The Bismarck Tribune ; An Independent Newspaper THE STATE’S OLDEST NEWSPAPER (Established 1873) State, City and County Officiai Newspaper Published by The Bismarck Tribune Company, Bismarck, N. D., end @ntered at the postoffice at Bismarck as second class mail matter. Mrs. Stella 1. Mann President and Publisher Kenneth W Archie O. Simons Vice Pres. and Gen'l. Manager Sec'y-Treas. and Editor Subscription Rates Payable in Advance Daily by carrier, per year Daily by mai} per year (in Bismarck) 5 Daily by mail per year ‘in state outside of Bismarck) Daily by mat) outside of North Dakota ‘Weekly by mai) in state, per year .. Weekly by mai) outside of North Dakota, per year Weekly by mai) in Canada, per year ............ ue Member of Audit Bureau of Circulation Member of The Associated Press The Associated Press ts exclusively entitled to the use for republica- tion of t! dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this Rewspaper and also the local news of spontaneous origin published herein. All rights of republication of all other matter herein are also reserved. Both Parties Abandon Old ‘Laissez Faire’ About the time that the tumult and the shouting die in Cleveland, we are apt to discover a woebegone and forsaken human being perching disconsolately on the steps of the con- vention hall. On investigation, he will be found to be an old Model T variety of the Rugged Individualist. For one thing seems clear, as the preliminary stages of the presidential campaign are gotten out of the way: The old conception of an America in which government kept its hands completely off the machinery, and left men.to work out their own salvation, does not seem to commend itself to the men who have to go out and get the votes these days. It really has been a good many years since we gave any- thing more than lip service to this conception. We have had the interstate commerce act for quite a while, for instance; the protective tariff for even longer. But this year’s campaign throws the fact into high relief. This is not to say that there are not violent differences between the parties, and among different leaders within the parties, as to the extent to which the government should inter- fere and protect. There are. The campaign probably will be fought on those differences. But the point is that practically no one in either party is speaking for a return to that old conception of a government which had neither the right nor the power to interfere in the economic lives of its citizens. Consider, for a case in point, the perennial farm problem. One party has one solution for it, the other party has an- other. Both of these solutions may be just a little hard to understand, in view of the average politician’s weakness for trying to do indirectly what the courts won’t let him do directly ; but let that pass. The point is that both parties agree that this problem is a responsibility of government which government must meet. They offer us, not a choice between action and no action, but a choice between two kinds of action. This might be a minor point, except for the fact that we tend to pitch our arguments in the old key. We talk of “rugged individualism,” for instance, as ig it were possible for us to get back to the early days of the republic, when the government dozed peacefully beside the Potomac. The campaign would be much more sensible if we realized clearly that we just can’t do that, and wouldn’t want to if we could. The great problem of the day is the problem of the extent to which we can preserve our individualism in the face of an unavoidable growth of governmental activity. Until we recognize the problem for exactly what it is, we won’t have much chance of solving it intelligently. New Waterway Campaign The campaign to push the gigantic St. Lawrence waterway project to realization in 1937 is booming again. Its supporters believe the treaty will reach the United States senate in revised form next January. Already new support for the waterway is shown in the formation of the National Seaway Council—a group devoted to early ratification of the treaty. And, as in the case of the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence Tidewater association, the support of the project comes from a wide cross-section of American life. Farmers, power groups, harbor associations, and cham- bers of commerce back the plan. ‘ The project thus far has won the approval of both major parties, which its proponents hope will continue. The St. Law- rence project embodies endless economic possibilities that can- not be ignored. No Longer ‘Lucky’ Charles Luciano, for years known in the New York under- world as “Lucky Luciano,” has lived to learn that his luck can change. He and eight of his underlings have been convicted on 62 counts charging the operation of a $12,000,000 vice ring in New York city. The verdict of the jury is a telling blow at underworld power, but even more significant is the rejuvenation of a na- tion-wide war on rackets. The Luciano case has demonstrated the possibility of catching up with the sort of elusive characters identified with the vice business. New York, inspired by the verdict, is ready with a new offensive on the industrial rackets of the city. Other cities have taken fresh hope from the sweeping Luciano verdict. And well they may, for it indicates that the job of cleaning out the racketeers is not impossible, after all. Worth Watching The troubles of Premier Leon Blum and his new govern- ment in France should be worth close observation here in America. This is because Monsieur Blum ‘contemplates a “French NRA” as a means of settling the vicious industrial strife facing the nation. In many respects France faces industrial and economic problems identical to our own. The Blum government wants a 40-hour week, vacations with pay, and collective bargaining. Thus the Blum three-point program will mean a test of the very principles that labor seeks here and which it achieved to a degree under the Rooseveltian NRA. Behind Scenes At The Convention By RODNEY DUTCHER (Tribune Washington Correspondent) Cleveland, June 12.—Quite a few friends of Senator Frederick Steiwer now are busily explaining to those they meet around town that the senator personally is a very fine fellow, in spite of everything. The senator from Oregon strode out on the Public Hall stage in the star role of keynoter at the Re- publican national convention and in brief time threw away his claims to statesmanship as well as a great chance to indict the New Deal with skill and effect. The Landon people denied emphat- ically that they had even seen the message before its delivery. That rare brand of futility which lately has distinguished the publicity efforts of the Republican national committee was not lacking in this key- note speech. Many Republicans said it compared most favorably with Al Smith's intemperate speech to the Liberty League and hoped it wouldn't be quite as helpful to President Roose- velt. The report would not down that the senator had written it all by himself. e* SAME BRAND OF HOOEY “We do not meet as partisans,” began the senator, in as fine a line of hooey as anyone has had off his chest since the last time President Roose- velt used exactly the same words to a group of bored party politicians. It was not to be denied that the keynote speech hit some of the New Deal's weak spots, but it was more conspicuous for its failure to strike at obvious vulnerabilities and its in- sistence on denunciation of certain New Deal experiments which seem to be universally popular. An example was Steiwer's reference to the CCC. In a paragraph which did not neglect mention of the Soviet Union, he asserted this country was far worse off in a situation which re- quired its youth to go into “federal camps” at $30 a month and appeared to suggest that American mothers would soon rise in their wrath, take the boys back, and accept responsi- bility for them. The U. 8. Supreme court has many ae heavy hand of the Republican|remarkable achievements to its Pretrrsapabrst Osta clogs in many credit, but nothing can ever excel the sheer virtuosity of the sleight-of- es *% hand performance which passed WHERE ARE THE JOBS? No such spectacular effort had|states’ rights from one fist to the heretofore been made toward selling |other, and then made them disappear the idea that the depression began |utterly in thin air, with the New Deal and the inference| Observe the neat way that prosperity was with us in 1930,|was accomplished. 1931, and 1932. _ The court led off with the Guffey When Steiwer promised that “the|decision. In this case it ruled that 10,000,000 unemployed shall at least|the federal government could not try get the consideration they deserve—|to remedy evil working conditions and with it the privilege of honest through the fixing of minimum wage work,” it required no especially keen |iaws, on the ground that this was a wit on the part of any radio listener right of the states. point out that the unemployed| ‘Then came the New York minimum hadn't been given any federal relief in wage law. Here, apparently, was the the Hoover period and to ask just what |answer to the Guffey case. The at- eas Proposed to do to get those|tempt to fix minimums was the work R ite, not of the federal govern- Senator Alben Barkley doubtless will [Sets an enetciee af the sche whieh be, just as stodgy and inept when he presumably had been preserved by keynotes for the Democrats in Phila- invalidation of the Guffey act. delphia and exaggerates New Deal] put when the smoke had blown achievements. But here in Cleveland away, the New York law had gone with the areal of POWer the way of the Guffey law. The facing & to get “ , ” in, was @ great opportunity lost. fetes: right ehh Sura Everybody had a right to expect something better and there is every reason to believe that Republican orators in the campaign will deliver a higher grade of goods, se * BOOMERANG IN SPEECH Few speakers will follow Steiwer’s lead in contending that both parties were noble and conscientious right up to March, 1938, for the simple. reason that that date reminds too many citizens of just when it was that they had the “Hoover depression.” Fewer still will repeat Steiwer's Promise of return to a system under which “savings bank deposits will be Protected,” since that only called at- tention to another popular New Deal measure—federal bank deposit in- surance, tend to get caught on that one. “Mary, dear,” he replied quick as a flash, “I prefer you to either one.” Shopper—I want to buy a present ‘for my wife. Floorwalker—How long have you been married? Shopper—Ten years. . Floorwalker—This way to the bar- gain basement, sir. Boss—You want a raise? Why don’t you live within your means? Employee—I do, sir, but you don’t realize how I am crewded for space. Little Andy came shrieking in from the garden. “What is the matter. dear,” asked the anxious mother as in which this | s* * was killed to preserve turned out to be non-existent. xe * That leaves us out in the middle of no man’s lend, with our supreme jlegal authority ruling that neither state nor national government can act against such things as sweat- shops; and it is a ruling which should cause far more dismay to the old- fashioned believer in states’ rights than to the most radical of New Deelers. For the whole case for states’ rights rests upon the belief that our nation can best make progress by letting the individual states handle such problems in their own way. Our age has grown so complex, the interplay of economic forces affects the life of the individual so pro- foundly, that the problems have to be hanled by someone. They can’t be ignored. And the old-line believer in dem- ocracy and freedom is likely to pre- fer that the states do the handling. +e For it is in that way that we may be protected against too great regi- ————— ee she ran to meet him. “Did you fall and hurt yourself?” “No, mamma,” sobbed the child, “I panes my finger on a nasty old Messer—Someone has taken some |important papers from this desk drawer that I always keep locked. | Mrs. Messer—Well, it wasn’t I. There isn’t a key in the house that will unlock that drawer. “How did Snodgrass get into trouble with the labor union?” “They were trying to get congress to pass a five-day week measure and Snodgrass was lobbying seven days @ week for it.” Other keynote speeches have been known to rouse conventions to emo- tional extremes, but this one drew little more than polite handclapping. The immobile, slightly pained expressions on the faces of Charlie Hilles, Con- gressman James W. Wadsworth and former Secretary of the Treasury Og- den Mills, in the front row of the New York delegation, were indicative of @ general feeling that the audience wasn't getting its money’s worth’ and that Steiwer’s vice presidential stock us cropping lke mercury in a cold The chief consolation was that Steiwer had a splendid radio voice and that the national committee man- agement which choose him would soon give way to a new group which has SHOW. See of much greater poll- (Copyright, 1936, NEA Service, Inc.) | 6 HORIZONTAL 1,6 Famous * musician. 10 To tear. 11 Stream] 12 Johnnycake. 14 Sound of sorrow. 16 Female sheep. 17 Lava. 19 Eye tumor. 20 Half an em. 21 Iniquity. 22 Mother. j 24 Type standard [RIE INOIS! 25 Comeliness. =: * 31 Valise. 50 To scatter. 32 Mohammedan, .52 Instructor. nymph. 54 Tea. 33 Curse. 55 Perfect 34 House cat. | BIPIRIE AID} LIE ARR AIM] LIAIMIE ME | EIVIEIN| | INIG| BIT OF HUMOR NOW AND THEN 18 RELISHED BY THE BEST OF MEN 40 To steal. 42 Brooch. 43 Upon. 44 Short cask. 46 Flatfish. 48 Sorrowful. . from Lecturer—We must preserve our forests and save our nation from becoming a VERTICAL 2 To inundate. 3 Climbing single thing to achieve this 2 around that you are going to from politics. 1 In any event, the French situation will bear watching as a bit of history in the making. Answer to Previous Puzzle EIAIRIN| avaneey WHEAT AIG EIRMEP IE [RI i] IL 61 He won world # —— Suite. fame as a ——13 Large farm) Writer of Music 2 18 Mooley apple.’ grade, 23 To decorate. 25 Fowl disease 26 Opposite of « [3 [Aj 29 Musical note. [BIE |D} 30 To dine. 35 Thick shrub. PIE IE (RIE |S|S} 37 To help. SIE) INIOIRIT IH] 39 To ‘excecd. 41 Flying ¥ plant. mammal. 4 Farewell) ,42 Nominal value .5 Second note ii le. * > ; 43 Pope's scarf. 45 Ale. 47 Still. .48 Song for one _.. Voice, 49 Pronoun. . 51 Simpleton. 53 Twitching. 54 Dove's cry. 55 Within, ~ 12 His “—— 15 Composition for full or-/ chestra. « 17 To be sick." -_* * States’ Rights Theory Struck by Own Dart sal velo! eolt-addr. ens Pena it, GRA a stamped. envelope. correct the difficulty before the child has need of breathing. trivial incident in a large proportign of normal labors. QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Coronary thrombosis is should consult your. physician. This is a “ ‘Hale Never Grows In no matter. health about a 8.) year.... (F. in.” “The tissue mentation by the central govera- ment. We don't avoid the erection of @n oppressively strong federal power by giving the power to nobody at all; we avoid it by giving the power to the states. A state which can protect the eco- nomic interests of its citizens is the best of all guarantees against over- reaching at Washington. It is this thing which has been struck down by the recent supreme court decision. The states no longer have the power they need. The first line of our defense against regimen- tation and centralization of govern- ment has been overwhelmed. The venerable justices have given aid and comfort to their own worst enemies. The only people who can rejoice over the decision are those who hope to see all power to deal with economic problems lodged in Washington. (Copyright, 1936, John F. Dille Co.) qe Gsaamornous_ Ap BEGIN HERE TODAY GAIL EVERETT, ambitious to become a design: Peter Everett or his heirs, for- ;had invited merly of Hudson View fashionable New York. Suitable reward will | no likelihood be given by a friend. P.O. Box | there in 11, downtown,” “Well, what's the meaning of that, I wonder?” i ila gzeed BEE 5 lor. DEREK HARGREAVES, artist, is interested in Gail ers her friendly advice. Free DICK SEARLES, ROSEMARY, was ite at school. fe @ wanderer, re- his old home in the e Travers Mining Co. is the deal is crooked. He know the where- abouts of — Gall, the fal ‘owner of the property. REX HALL, Madame “Eieeticte son, ts representing the ‘Travers “°Gall goes with Derek to a ception at the home of the weals Sy, HES, MORTON, LUciLLR her portrait. = . NOW GO ON WITH THE STORY CHAPTER XVI So he through the NATALIE PRESTON stopped at | was poe to learn Ferg Gail’s door and knocked, but| Everett was now living and received no answer. She knocked | ing in the city. again and still there was no re- sponse. “I suppose some of the Searles have come for her,” Nata- lie murmured rather bitterly. It was just like her cousin Mabs to telephone when Natalie was at dinner with Gail. Mabs had said £ st ie 2 i i Fey < wre Bee3e i E i i . had discovered that her train didn’t leave until 4 o'clock! Going to her room, Natalie took off her dress and slipped on a filmy negligee of chiffon and lace (she had bought it for a trifle a sale in the store) and picked the Sunday newspaper. She turned at once to the “Personal Notices.’ Why she always looked at Grst she couldn’t have told ef f i I E i ele fee eyed i a 3 i 3 5 if i ~ aE tf ae 3 E a7 ly New York. Suitable reward be given by a friend. P.O. 11, downtown.” Then Natalie went to her ei f i § F i Hd Es if ac HE “ ails fir rt z: 3 - : Fz i Ly . bs g EoRE i “8 B d = i i it i i | E i 5 3 E i Le I F E a t E Zi @ sure cure for ingrown hairs? Have been having E ret Eg& 2a i & i E i 5 ff af. ¥ laughing ‘You column, I hope.