The Bismarck Tribune Newspaper, September 10, 1919, Page 4

4 ‘ | 1 4 THE BISMARCK TRIBUNE Entered at the Postoffice, Bismarck, N. D., as Second Class Matter. GEORGE D. MANN, - - - - - = Béitor Foreign Representatives G. LOGAN PAYNE COMPANY, | UHICAGO, elie eka aie Marquette Bidg. IT, wna wrasse Bldg. PAYNE, BURNS AND SMITH NEW YORK, See: ee Fifth Ave, Bldg. MEMBER OF ASSOCIATED PRESS The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to thé use for publication of all news credited to it or not otherwise credited im this paper and also the local news published herei: in. ; All rights of publication of special dispatches herein are Teserved. MEMBER AUDIT BUREAU OF CIRCULATION SUBSCRIPTION RATES PAYABLE IN ADVANCE | Daily by carrier, por year ; Saeee $7.20 | Daily by mail, per year (In Bismarck) oe 7.20 | Daily by mail, per year (In state outside Bismarck) 5.00) Daily by mail outside of North Dakota...,.+++++++ 6.00 THE STATE'S OLDEST NEWSPAPER, (Established 1878) —— <== RATIFY THAT TREATY, OR SUBMIT IT TO THE PEOPLE! The president has come from the White House straight to the ears of the American people with | his plan for the league of nations. First as law and custom provide, he went to the senate. Before that august, slow-moving | body, he laid all his cards face up on the table. He} told them the why’s and wherefore’s of the peace] covenant, including all that he knows about the league of nations, its purposes and its possible achievements. The president was very frank in his message to the senate. . The senate, or rather certain of the senators, were quick to find faults. Naturally they found some, for the peace treaty was penned by mortal! hands, the product of human minds. It is not per-) fect. | The president pleaded with the senate—and senators have talked, talked, talked, largely with a} view of advancing personal or political interest in| next year’s elections. After weeks of such delay the president de- cided to do what he might well have done at the beginning—to bring the case to the people. The people have no axes to grind, and no po- litical games to play. And they hesitate not in rendering their verdicts * * * oS Keen, observant newspapermen going before, with and following the president on this cross-con- tinent trip say the people’s verdict is favorable to the league of nations. They say the majority of men and women who have heard the president, believe with him that the league of nations is the} best weapon against war we now can take into} our hands, and that opposition to the league of nations is opposition to the principle of peace it- self, These newspapermen have ears close to popu- lar sentiment—they are trained to hear and ob- serve. They haven’t one ear listening to a presi- dential bee’s buzzing or to a party call. These newspapermen admit that there are murmurs of disapproval of this or that clause in the peace covenant. It is, as we pointed out, a very human document. It was written by human hands and is full of human inconsistencies, But} these popular objectors, while voicing their dis- approval, concede the possibility of making future] changes, of correcting present mistakes, and they | further concede the greater probability of making| such changes if the league of nations is in being than if it continues but an air castle, as it seems some of our senators would forever have it be. Above all, the people who see imperfections in the covenant are quick to realize that the majority and not a minority should dictate the nation’s voice in acceptance or rejection of the peace treaty, and they are agreed that the majority of the people of the United States are for the peace treaty as it stands. * * * Months ago this newspaper and others pointed out the advisability of putting the treaty before the people in a national referendum. The senate, too fearful of losing an atom of its power and pre- rogatives, refused to go to the people for their opinion. The president has done this, He has come directly to the public. And he has received sufficient evidence to convince scores of impartial newspaper observers that the verdict of the people is FOR the league of nations—For the peace treaty as it stands—as it was written in Paris, The senate opposition seems to have shot its bolt. But if the senators still want to save their faces —if they are still unwilling to admit that the American people want the league of nations—they have one means by which they can get out of their difficulty. They can submit the treaty by referendum to the people for advice. ; * * * Gentlemen of the senate, the nation calls to you: Z - Ratify that treaty, or submit it to the people. One or the other. Delay is inexcusable, The world is waiting. Peace totters, Giye us the treaty or a vote. And DO IT NOW! When we get the proper teeth in that hoarding law, perhaps Palmer can persuade Holland to bring ‘the kaiser out of storage. There are as many presidential candidates in the field as there are ballplayers i ring trai THE COMING OF WOODROW We have seen Woodrow. That a man could emerge from a secluded scholastic life to become the dominant diplomat of the world as Wilson has done seems inconceiv- able until one has seen and heard the man. Hav- ing seen him; having heard his clear, clean-cut, sharp and incisive manner of arguing his point; having glimpsed something of the spark of genius which actuates the man, one can better under- stand. Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, Roosevelt, all were forceful men, as Wilson has been; all of them played to a large extent a lone hand, as Wil- son has done; to an exceptional degree they pos- sessed, as Wilson admits that he possesses, a sin- gle track mind. But, like Wilson, when they sent an idea shunting down that single track there was momentum behind it; it never took a siding, and IT GOT SOMEWHERE. Americans are great disciples of the “Get There” idea. Getting there may lead to mistakes —it is most likely to. No one who has ever done anything at any stage in the world’s history has been immune from mistakes. Wilson has made plenty of blunders. Some of them would have seemed sufficient to have ruined the political fu- ture of any man. But Wilson seems to emerge from each succeeding debacle a trifle stronger than he went in. He makes stepping stones of his stumbling blocks. Whether Wilson made any converts for the league of nations in Bismarck is debatable. North Dakota as a whole has never required conversion on this subject. No state showed greater loyalty in its support of America and her allies in the world’s war. But wars have never been popular with North Dakotans. We are a peace-loving peo- ple who prefer to do our fighting with ballots; rather than bullets. We feel that the league of} nations may extend to the united states of the world something of the peace and harmony which the United States of America have enjoyed under | our league of colonies covenant. We are glad that we have had an opportunity to hear Wilson. We are proud of the reception which North | Dakota accorded him here. And we do not believe that Bismarck and his; greeting here were a disappointment to Mr.| Wilson. | | \ i A NEW FANGLED FAMINE 1 We've had famines of various kinds and char-| acters ever since those of which the bible tells us| but never one comparable perhaps to that now prevailing in nearly every city of considerable size | in the United States. It is a famine of moving vans. In New York, it is said, a thousand or more} families are ready to move but cannot because of scarcity of vans. It is the same in degree in Bos- ton, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Chicago, St. Louis, Cincinnati and elsewhere. There were comparatively few vans built in the war period, it is said. Also, it is explained, the old horse-drawn vehicle had been supplanted by the motor van so there are few of the old vehicles left. There was less moving in the years from} 1914 to 1917 inclusive than usual. Not until rents began to go sky high and overcrowding got to be a nation-wide complaint did there unexpectedly come a great demand for vans. Persons who ob- jected to advances in rents wanted to move. So did persons who had‘prospered. House owners who insisted on higher rents and whose tenants objected tried eviction as never before. Real estate men say there has been more changing of quarters, or more attempt of it in the last 12 months than the previous five years. Van men have had a harvest. They have charged prices that are extortionate but have been able to get anything they demand and still they have to keep a long waiting list. There is an axiom that three moves are as bad as a fire. City people move much more than do people of towns or villages. The 1st of May used to be the great moving day of America. Then it got to be the 1st of September. At present every day is moving day in the cities of the east, and the whims of moving is restricted only by the shortage of vans. Now that the war is over first page murders are as popular as of yore. | intricately dove-t: FOUR BISMARCK DAILY TRIBUNE Hiroe athletes FULL TEXT OF ' WILSON’S ADDRESS (Continued From Page One) the hearts of those peoples a contempt which will bring about universal chaos, _ ,Men in Despair Men in despair do not construct gov- ernments. Men in despair destroy governments. Men whose whole af- any authority that can give them anv. governments. petitions of the Lord’s prayer. One in particular, that first petition, He pointed out that a man canont/ When a men has an empty stomach— and most of all, when those he loves are starving, he is not going to serve anybody. He is going to serve him- self by the easiest way he can find. Now you say, what has this got to do with it, with the adoption by the United States senate of the treaty of peace? It has this to do with it, my fellow citizens, that the whole world is waiting upon us and if we stay out or if we qualify our assent in any essential way the world will say, “Then there can be no peace, for that great nation in the West is the only nation which will hold this steady.” Counsels of Selfishness I hear counsels of selfishness. 3 hear men say, y well, let us stay out and take ourselves and let the rest of the world take care of itself. I do not agree with that from the point of view of sentiment. I would be ashamed to agree with it from the point of view of sentiment, but 1 think I have intelligence enougn to know that it would not work. Take a single example. It Europe is di ordered who is going to buy wheat? There is more wheat produced here than we can consume, and more food stuffs and there will be no market that anybody can count upon until there is a settled peace. Men are not going to buy until they know what is going to happen tomorrow, for the reason that they cannot get any mon- ey amidst a disordered organization of industry and in the absence of those processes of credit which keep busi- ness going. We have managed in the process of. civilization, my fellow citizens, to make a world that cannot be taken to pieces. The pieces are ed and fitted with one another, and unless you assemble them as you do the intricate parts of great machine, the pieces won't! work. Nation's, interdependent I believe tat with the exception of the United States there is not a country in the world that could live without imports. There are only one or two countries that can live with- out importing. food stuffs. There are no countries that I know of that can live in tuer ordinary way without im- porting manufactured goods and raw materials—raw | materials of many Kinds. Take that great kingdom for example, for whi¢h*I have the great- est adnuration—the great kingdom of Italy. There are great factories there but they have to get all the raw ma- teril 11om which they manufacture from the, outside. There is no coal in Italy, no fuel. They have to get all their coal frcm outside, and at the present moment, because the world is Wolding its breath and waiting, the great coal fields of central Europe are not producing, except to about forty per cent of their capacity so that the coal in Silesia and the coal in Bohemia is not being shipped out, which will cause unemployment more universally and at this moment there is nothing brought to your attention and more important in Washington than the essentials or shipping out our fuel and raw material and start the world again and that we support the world again rather than we stop and check industries. You cannot antagon- ize the whole world because the po- sition of the United States is not weak or wrong. I do not like to put the thing upon this basis because that ig not the American position. America was not fighting to make money, it was fighting to lead the world on the way to liberty. Why Does America’ Pause? Now while we doubt, the’ rest of the world is saying, “Why does America hesitate?” We want to follow her. We shall not know which way to go unless she leads. We want the direc- tion of her business genius. We want the suggestion of her experience, but} she hesitates. She does not know whether she wants to go in, or not, and while she does, my fellow citizens, some among us.do not know whether we want to go in, or not, but we know. (Applause). There is no more danger of the American people staying out of this great thing than there is of our reversing all the precedents of our his- tory, forgetting all the blood that has been spilt, so much: precious blood to the state. ; Delay Endangers World But in the meantime, the delay is endangering the whole world, and ours of course, along with the rest, because we are, from the beginning, in my opinion, instrumentally an important The Mexican situation is like the itch—you can’t tell where it will break out next. The round table would be about the squarest thing the people and labor would be getting. There’ll be more paper in the old man’s shoes this winter ; the fair ones are going to wear leath- er coats. They made a great fuss over President Wilson’s September straw hat but our wives and sweet- hearts wear ’em in January and no one notices any more. Robins are gathering in flocks for the south- ward fiight and ice dealers are preparing announce- ments that an unusual winter will necessitate higher prices next summer. Professional ethics, ideals of brotherhood and all that sort of thing seem to t for nothing with a gang pf New-Xorkeualie nab drivers ag their prey... part of the world. I have told many times, but I must tell you again, of the experiences I have had in Paris. Almost every day of the week, that I was not expressly engaged, I was re- ceiving delegations, delegations from where? Not small groups of men from Paris and other nearby regions, but groups of men from all over the world. As I several times admitted, from some parts of the world I have never heard the names of before. 1 do not think they were in my geog- raphy when I was in school. They ere tron the #2 Ca sey dig- nified group; a fine group of men came in from * * * I did not know from where it was, but I looked it up secretly afterwards and found that it was a very prosperous valley region lying south of the Caucasus and I knew from what these men said to me that they knew what they were talking about, but I didn’t know any- thing about their affairs, and they knew what America stood for and they said to me, “We outsiders need the guidance and help of America,” and I said to one group of them, “I fear you expect too much. America cannot do principle cannot be maintained then |) there will ensue from the passions in| fairs are so upset, whose whole sys-!! tems of living are so disrupted that |! they cannot get food, that they cannot || jget clothing, that they cannot turn to || thing certain, they cannot construct || There are words of aj! preacher that entered very deeply, the |/ “Give us this day our daily bread.” |} serve God on an empty stomach. He |} las got to be physically sustained. || Arise ye patriot sons And greet your natio: Float. dear Old Glory The flag for which With firm and stead ‘Tis time right now We'll show our states cans and asserting the principles of America everywhere throughout the globe. The Price of Peace We cannot underestimate, my fellow citizens, the price of peace and the full possible price of peace. When I say, therefore, I have come here to discuss the question whether we shall have peace or war—you say there is no war —the war is over—but there isn’t peace, because there cannot be peace without the assistance of America. And the situation of America comes just at the center of the whole thing, with her standing in Paris. You have heard some men speaking about sup- porting the government and league of nations. I intended to bring a copy of the treaty withme—it is a volume that is that big (indicating) and the very first thing in it is the league of na- tions. By common conset that was put first because by common consent that is the only thing that will make the volume work. CYNICS WHO SMILED That s the opinion of the begin- ning of the congress; ‘there were a great many cynics on that side of the water who smiled at the drawing of the nations together. But before we got through there wasn’t a man who hadn't come to the conclusion that we couldn’t do without it; that you could- n't make a world settlement without setting up an organ ion that would see that it was carried out and that you couldn’t compose the mind of the world unless that settlement included an arrangement by which discussion could be substituted for war. If. the war that we have just had had been preceded by discussion it never would have happened. Every foreign office in Europe through its minister at Berlin urged that no action should be taken until there should be ari International | conference of other governments and! learn what, if any, processes of media-! would not delay it for twenty-four hours if she had she never would have gone into it. THEY DARE NOT You daren’t lay a bad case be- fore mankind. You daren’t ill the young ‘men of the world for a dishonest purpose and we have let thousands of our lads go to their deaths in order, to convince, not Germany, but any other na- tions that may have in the back of their head thoughts of a similar nature that the world doesn’t mean to permit any inquiry of that sort and if it had been displayed asiniquity in open conference for not Jess than nine months as the covenant of the League of Nations provides it never should have hap- pened and when your attention is called to certain facts of this treaty—the only facts to which your attention ever is called by those who are opposing it—you are left with the impression that this is an arrangement by which war is just ona hair’s: breath. ARTICLE 10 You hear constantly about Article 10 now. Article 10 has no operative force in it unless we vote that it. shall op- erate. I will tell you what Article 10 is. I think I can repeat it almost ver- patum. Under Article 10 every mem- ber of the League undertakes to re- spect and preserve the territorial in- tegrity—to protect and preserve as against external aggressions the ter- ritorial integrity and sustain the pol- itieal independence of the other mem- hers of the League. So far so good. The second sentence provides that in case of necessity the council of the League shall advise what steps are necessary, to carry out the obligations of that conference that is to say*what force is necessary here. Now the coun- ci cannot give that advise withoyt a unanimous vote. It can’t give the ad- vice without the affirmative vote, of the United States unless the United States is a party to the controversy in question. Let us see what that means. Do you think that the United States is likely to size somebody elses territory? Do you think that the United States is likely to. disregard the first sentence cf the article? And if she is not likely to begin an aggression of that sort who, is likely to begin it against her? Is Mexico going to invade us’and appro- priate Texas? Is Canada going to come down with her nine or ten mil- lion and overwhem the hundred mil- lions in the United States? Who is go- ing to grab our territory? And above all things else who is going to propose, who is going to entertain the idea if the rest. of the world has said, “No, we are all pledged to see that we don’t do that.” But suppose that somebody does attempt to grab our territory or we do attempt to grab somebody else's territory, then the war is ours, any- how, so what ‘difference does it make what advice the council gives? So that unless it is our war we can’t be dragged into a war without our own consent if that is not an open and shut security I don’t know of any. And yet that is Article 10. I don’e recognize this covenant when_I hear some other men talking about it. I spent hours and hours in the presence of the re- presentatives of thirteen other nations examining every sentence of it up and down and crosswise and tried to keep out of it anything that interferred with the essential soverignty of any mem- ber of the League. I carried with me the things you expect them to do, but ‘we will do The Selec can. We will you ev give Be- jour nn re assist in. over in March all the suggestions made by: the sforeignstelations! committee of ithe Senate and;they were all accepted. a eee ie ee = ~veguse they believe..Americans will_X¢t.I come back and find that I don’t and if necessary to spend every dollar a OUR CHIEF Who’s visiting our state today, His stay can be but brief. Our father’s hope and pride; The flag for which they died. Thru four long years of bloody strife, Our chief stood bravely at the helm And brought our ship to land. Hostilities must cease; Desire his League of Peace. —FLORENCE BORNER. work miracles merely by being Ameri- | understand what the document means tion they might propose and Germany’ hational government which would be of toil n’s chief, on the breeze, our heroes , fought, ly hand, to take our stand, man that we all and I am told that plain sentences j Which I thought were written in un- imistakable language mean something {that I never heard of and that nobody ‘els@a ever entertained as a purpose. But whatever you: may think of Arti- ‘cle 10, my fellow citizens, it is the jheart of the treaty, you either have got jto take it or you have got to through {the world back into that old contest ‘over land titles which would upsent the ‘state of North Dakota or any other part of the world, Suppose there was no guarantee of any land titles in ‘North Dakota I can fancy how every farmer and every man with a city lot would go armed he would hire some- Lody if he was too sleepy to sit up all (ight and see that nobody trespassed jand took squatters possesion of his un- ‘secured land. » And we have been try- ling to do something analogous to that j With the territories of Europe—to fix lund itles. Then having fixed them we jhave got to have Article 10. These ti jtles are established and we have all [Joined to guarantee their maintenance. TO QUIET THE WORLD | There fs no othen way to quiet the ‘world and if the world is not quieted then America is sooner or later involy- ed in the maelstrom. My fellow, citi- zens, We sometimes forget what a |powerful nation the United States is. ay you suppose we can stay out of the arrangement without being suspected ‘and interigued against and hated by ;all the rest of them and do you think that that is an advantageous basis of international transactions? Anyway, 'you take this question, you get straight to this alternative either this treaty with this covenant for a disturbed , world and certain war. There is no ‘escape and Affmerica required all the [guarantees which we have given the ; World and the United States before. Some of the very men who are now cpposing this peace covenant were most eloquent in support of an inter- {carried to the point where the exer- cise of independent sovereignty would ye almost stopped. They put it into wasures of congress last svovemper when the appropriation bill by a ur animous vote of the Committee they putin the’ provision that after the building program had been authorized by congress the President could cancel any of it the moment the other gov- ernments of the world accepted the in- ternational tribunal which we would settle international difficulties. They actually had the matter so defigtely in mind that they authorized the Pres- ident not to carry out the acts of con- gress with regard to the buying of great ships if he could make an ar- rangement similar to the arrangement which I have now layed before you, because their instinctive judgment is my instinctive judgmeut and that is that we have no choice, if we want to stop war, but to take the steps that are necessary to stop it. , IF WE DON’T GO IN And if we don’t enter into this cove- nant what is our situation? Our situa- | tion is exactly the situation of Ger- jjmay herself except that we are not disarmed and Germany is disarmed. We have joined with the rest of the world to defeat the purpose that Ger- many had in mind. We now hesitate to sign the treaty that is supposed to disarm Germany, She is disarmed neverthless because the other nations will enter into it. And there {s planted in their heart, planted in the hearts of those sixty million people may be the thought that some day by gatthering their forces and a change of circum- stances, they may have another chance, and the only other nation that they can look to is the United States, Uni-- ted States has repudiated the treaty. OUR REPUDIATION The United States has said, “We sent two milliog men over there to accom- iplish this but we do not like it now and we will not guarantee it.” We are going to set up such a situation that some day we may send two million more men oyer there, We promised the mothers and the fathers and the wives and the sweethearts of those men who {were fighting there that these things could not happen again, but we are | going to arrange it so that it may hap- pen again and so that the two nations |that will stand and fall in the whole world will be Germany and the United States. NOT LIKELY TO HAPPEN I am not saying this to you, my fel- low citizens, because I believe it is likely. I know it is not. I do want you to share fully with, me the thought that I brought back from Europe. I know what I am talking about, I say that America is the only Nation whose guaranty will suffice to substitute dis- cussion for war. And I rejoice -in the circumstances. I rejoice that the time bas come when America can fulfil her distiny. Our destiny was expressed much more in our open door which said to the oppressed all over the world, “Come and join us we will give you freedom, We will give you liber- ty, we have no government that can act |as your master, come and join us to jeonduct a free government which is jour own.” They came in thronging millions. Their genius was added to ours, their sturdy capacity multiplicd and increased the capacity of the United States, now it has the blood of every great people in its yeins. We turn to the rest of the world and say, “We still stand ready to redeem our promise, “we still believe in liberty, we still mean 'to exercise every force that we have. WEDNESDAY, SEPT“10, 1919. HE WOULD WALK FLOOR FOR HOURS Had Smothering ' Spells And Could Hardly Breathe—Suffered 26 Years “T have been in poor health for twenty-six years, and have tried ma- ny different medicines and treatments, but my troubles were not overcome until I commenced taking ‘Tanlac,” id C. D. Williamson, who is em- ployed as engineer for the Twin City Pipe Covering Co., and who lives at 1660 Everett Court, St. Paul, Minn., the other day. “T suffered from stomach - trouble ” and indigestion during all these years, he continued, “and when I commenced teking Tanlac, I had given up all hope of ever finding a medicine that would do me any good. During the past year I téok six different treatments, but I didn’t get any relief at all. Everything I ate soured on my stomach, and [ would be bloated up with gas for hours at a time, and would have the worst sort of cramping spells. Very ctten this gas would get up into my chest and cause my heart to palplate so bad that I could hardly get a good breath, and when these spells came on me at night I couldn’t lie down, and just had to walk the floor for hours at a time trying to get a good breath. Sometimes my arms and legs would go to sleep and I would have to Tub them for a long time before I could use them. I finally got so weak and run down that I had to lose a lot of time from my work. “One day a friend of mine told me that he knew a man who had suffered exactly as I was, and that Tanlac had brought him around all right. Well, I thought that if it had done that man so much good, it ought to help me, and T' commenced taking Tanlac right away. I am glad I took that view of fhe matter, for my twenty-six years of suffering is a thing of the past now, und I am in better health in every way than I have been for many years. I am completely rid of that stomach trouble and indigestion. I have a fine appetite, and eat just anything I want and I never suffer a particle afterwards. I never have those awful cramping spells now, and my legs and arms do not go to sleep en me like they did. In fact, I am as well an dstrong as I ever was in my life, and I go to sleep as soon as i hit the bed at night, and am dead to the world until time to get up every morn- ing. I can do as much Work as any- body now, but I never lose any time from the job. Yes, sir, Tanlac was a godsend to me, and I say a good word for it every chance I have.” ‘anlac is sold in Bismarck by Jos, Breslow, in Driscoll by N. D. & J. H. Barrette and in Wing by H. P. Ho- man. Aavt. Oooo that we have to vindicate our princi- ples of: justice and of right.” It is a noble purpose, it is a noble principle, my pulse quickens at the thought. I am glad'to have lived in a time when America can redeem her pledges to the world, when America can prove that her leadership is the leadership we know it to be. IN BOLSHEVIKI LAND The peoples of Europe do not believe in the things that have been pressed upon them they mean to do away with the things that have been pressed upon them. In the meantime some of them, particularly Russia, are in danger of doing most dangerous things and sub- stituing one kind of autocracy for an- other, rejecting the Cear who was cruel ac times and setting up their present masters who are cruel all the time to size everybody’s property, to feed only the soldiers that are fighting for them. And now according to the papers they are likely to brand every one of those soldiers so that he may not easily cipe their clutches branding their sery- ants and making slaves of a great and loveable people. There is no people in the world fuller of sentiments of good will and of fellowship than the people of Russia. The are in the grip of a cruel autocracy that in spite of the challenge of every friendly kingdom: of Europe to do so they dare not have an election and assemble a constituent assembly, They dare not appeal to the people, Do not let us expose any of the rest of the world to the necessity of going through any such terrible expe- rience as that my fellow citizens. We are at present likely to assist their I The world is disorder and while it is disordered we debate. BURLEIGH COUNTY CONTRIBUTES ITS BIT TO NEW FUND Premium of $551.83 Paid for Protection of Employes Thru State Insurance In common with corporations, co- partnership, sole proprietors and other employers of labor, Burleigh county will pay into the workmen's compensa- tion bureau’s fund a total of $551.83 covering premiums on insurance for office employes, jailors, sheriff and deputies and grading gangs. Under the workmen's compensation law, employes of the county are di- vided into threo classes. office em- Ployes, jailors and sheriff force and grading laborers. The rate for each of these classes is different being .12 for office employes, $4.15 for failors and sheriff. and $3.83 for grading em- ployes. The total payroll for the twelve months ending September 1, 1920, is estimated at $25,150, The following is the schedule of Premiums prepared by the workmen's compensation ‘bureau on which the county has allowed warrant to cover: Annual No. Pavroll Premtum Office employes 12 $11.400 $ 13.68 Jailor and sheriff 4 3,600 149.40 Grading 10 10,150 388.75 25,150 551.83 Totals _ 26 Only Four Miles Per Hour, In 1899 New York automobile Inws allowed automobiles°to travel not more than four miles: jour aroynd street corners. Ss f}>